The political role of Sufism in the Arab region

Sufism enjoys the potential to provide an alternative to the political Islam, which gained notoriety after adopting violence and extremism as a way to achieve agendas suggested by foreign powers to draw up rivaling ideological visions for the future of the Arab region.

Sufism, which enjoys tremendous popularity in the Arab world, has helped several Arab regimes to deepen their authority in the face of domestic challenges. Sufi leaders would instruct their followers and dervishes to support political agendas and programmes these regimes introduced to the people.  

Sufism also influences the results of general elections. Receiving orders from their shepherds, Sufi voters back pro-regime candidates. In addition, Sufi values of tolerance, respect of the other and coexistence qualified this spiritual system for providing an alternative to Islamic movements, which rampaged through the region to seize power in the wake of the alleged Arab Spring.  

As a result of the catastrophic seizure of power by Islamic movements, Arab communities were divided and polarized. The State failed to commit itself to its constitutional obligations. Several Arab countries have been suffering from the tragic aftermath of the Arab Spring.  

However, Sufism may prove problematic externally. Jihadist groups have exported t heir threat to foreign countries. Desperate with anxiety, Western governments are searching for that kind of unalloyed Islam known for its peaceful and spiritual values. Sufism was the big discovery. Accordingly, the extent of the influence of Sufism in the political life and how Sufi people understand the political principles have been increasingly the focus of the attention of local and foreign scholars and researchers. They are also interested in measuring the success of Sufi groups in providing the peaceful alternative to Jihadist and extremist groups, which wreaked havoc across the Arab region and dealt a serious threat to the Arab national security. 

This study seeks to elaborate the political role of Sufi sects in the Arab region, and whether they are groomed and properly equipped to close the chapter of Islamic movements, which manipulated Islam cynically o serve their outrageous agendas.

The study also debates the overlapping relationship between politics and Sufism. In addition, the study is interested in examining the political role of Sufi sects in the Arab region; and their main challenges.

This study is divided to three main axes: the first deals with politics in the Sufi ideology; the second axis explores the political role of Sufism in the Arab region; and finally, the study analyses challenges, which are facing the political role of Sufism in the Arab countries.

First: Politics in Sufi ideology:

The Sufi doctrine principally encourages asceticism, knowledge, love and wialaya (absolute authority). Sufi devotees should honour these four tenets to walk in the footsteps of their iconic predecessors, who allegedly achieved the Divine Unity.    

On the other hand, Sufi doctrine cannot find common grounds with the political life. The incongruities of political life is always behind the decision by mystics to abandon politics and devote themselves to their spiritual life. They are also keen to guard the absolute religion against the changeable politics.

Nonetheless, a number of scholars, especially those interested in the spiritual relationship between the Sufi shepherd and the herds of dervishes, are maintaining that the Sufi four tenets are laced with politics. 

According to Dr. Ammar Ali Hassan, asceticism is the retreat in the face of political life. In his book “Political Upbringing in Sufism”, Dr. Hassan explains that power struggle between Islamic groups and  social prejudices, which got worse under the Abbassid Caliphate, prompted Muslims to retreat from the public life and enjoy the peacefulness of an ascetic one.

The author maintains that asceticism helps the person resist political temptations and reject bribes given by the despotic ruler to silence his opponents.   

According to the Sufi doctrine, knowledge is associated with the idolization of persons or leaders. However,  trusting him to guide them up Prophet Mohamed’s path, Sufi followers hold their shepherd in a high esteem.  Accordingly, the spiritual shepherd is widely regarded as the most important asset of the Sufi establishment.

In his book “Trust”, author Abu-Said al-Kharaz explains the Sufi hierarchy. Being at the helm of the establishment, the Sufi shepherd has an absolute authority on his followers. They also adopt his political tendencies and his understanding of social issues. This kind of devotion and unshakeable loyalty helped Sufi shepherds during the Arab uprisings to guide their followers up a certain political direction. 

Amity, which is the third tenet of Sufism, encourages the value of tolerance between Sufi people and the other. It is said that the principle of amity helped Sufism gain big popularity in the Arab world.  Thanks to Arab expatriates, Sufism has been echoing favourably across different uropean countries, which suffered a nightmare at the hands of Jihadist and terrorist groups.  

Wilaya, which is the fourth principal tenet in Sufism, legitimises the Sufi shepherd’s absolute authority on the large herds of his followers and dervishes. They consider him a spiritual idol and associate his life with miracles. 

Nonetheless, in their writings, eminent Sufi gurus are refuting allegations that Sufism repudiates ordinary life and bans its followers from taking part in politics. For example, late Grand Imam of Al-Azhar, Sheikh Abdel-Halim Mahmoud, who was a great Sufi icon, fought hard to defend the independence of this religious edifice.

Sheikh Mahmoud also played a major role in helping Al-Azhar broadcast its religious message globally. He initiated an ambitious programme, which encouraged bigger number of Muslims across the world to join Al-Azhar and study the sciences of the Qur’an. In his writings, the late Grand Imam highlighted the moderate Islam. He strongly defended Prophet Mohamed’s message against radicals, extremists and orientalists.

Dr. Mahmoud’s writings echoed favourably in European societies. He was invited to give lectures in different European countries.  In his writings, the late great Sufi leader also explained that Sufism does not call upon followers to withdraw from life. He said that iconic Sufi figures, who immensely and largely contributed intellectually to this spiritual establishment, were artisans and handicrafts. They included Shaqiq el-Balkhi, Hatem al-Asar, Abul-Hassan el-Shazli and prince Abdel-Kader al-Gazae’ri. In addition, Dr. Mahmoud also explained that Sufism ushers its followers into having deep and slavish relationship with God.

Dr. Mahmoud described iconic figures of Sufism as brave people, who devoted themselves and their lives to spread Islam in African countries after Muslim armies were sent back in disgrace. According to the great imam, Sufism carried Islam to the Asian country of Indonesia.   

Although Sufism has had no political agenda since its birth, it has directly or otherwise approached politics. Throughout its history, the spiritual establishment has entrenched in the camp the regimes in their fight against Islamic movements. Also, due to the big number of their dervishes and their reclusive lifestyle, Sufi sects have maintained heavy presence, politically and religiously in their communities.  

In Egypt, successive regimes were keen to acknowledge support they were given by Sufi leaders. The acknowledgement was in the form of incentives and powerful political office. For example, the head of Genediya Sufi Group was given a powerful position in the ruling Arab Socialist Union, which was the sole political party in the country in the 1950s and the 1960s. He was also voted MP three times. His fellow Sheikh Kamel al-Qayati, Head of the the Khalawatiya Qayatiya Sufi Group, was the MP representing Al-Adwa constituency in Menia governorate. A Sufi shepherd named Khairullah Fadl Attiya was appointed the ASU’s assistant secretary in Mersa Matruh governorate, and Sheikh Mohamed el-Mausalami held the same office in Sharkia  governorate.

In Algeria, President Abdel-Aziz Bouteflecca, who assumed power in 1999, encouraged Sufi leaders in his country to join political parties. Algeria’s Sufi groups are claiming a big influence in the results of the general elections, especially in rural areas. 

In an acknowledgement of their role in the preservation of the Islamic identity of Algeria, Boutaflecca was keen to strengthen the relationship between his regime and the Sufi establishment in his country by visit headquarters of Sufi groups across his country.  

Third-The political role of Sufism

Sufi groups in Arab countries are taking on different political tasks as follows:

1-The formation of political parties: The outbreak of uprisings in the Arab region prompted Sufi groups to increase positively their participation in the political life. They formed political parties and groomed candidates for competing in general elections.

The case in hand is the Egyptian Liberation Party, which was the first Sufi party formed in Egypt in the wake of January 25 event in 2011. ELP was given the ticket by the Political Parties Committee  in September 2011. The Sufi party voted Ibrahim Zahran its chairman. In addition,  several Sufi members assumed powerful offices. They included Essam Moheit Eddin, al-Taher al-Hashemi (the Head of the Ashraf sect in Behira governorate); Mohamed Alaa-Eddin Abul-Azayem, Head of Azmiya Sufi Set, who is also the deputy of the party’s founders.

Al-Nasr Party was the second Sufi political party approved (in October 2011) in Egypt. Egypt’s Sufi parties did not confine their political activities to competing in parliament elections. They rallied support to June 30 Revolution. These extraordinary parties also backed the Egyptian State  and played a very positive role in the anti-terror war. In the meantime, several Sufi groups mobilised their young members to form the Alliance of Egyptian Sufis. The AES was formed to increase the weight of Sufi groups in the political development in Egypt in the wake of January 25 event in 2011. The AES attracted more than 10000 young people. 

2-Giving support to the regime:  Sufi groups in the Arab region have lent unequivocal support to the regime. For example, Algeria’s Sufi groups vote the government’s candidates in any general elections. Reciprocating, the Algerian regime offers rewards and incentives to its Sufi allies. On the other hand, ministers of religions affairs in Algerian Cabinet are none but members belonging to Sufi groups. In the meantime, Algeria’s Sufi people have property worth billions of US dollars across the country. They also own property and awakaf (religious endowments)  in Arab and African countries.

In Morocco, the authorities bidding to back the monarchy and resist the rising tide of radical Islam decided to rehabilitate the religious landscape by reviving  the history and heritage of Sufism in in the kingdom.  

3-Enhancement of liberalism

In its bid to defend Islam against accusations associating it with violence and terrorism, Sufi establishment piroritised liberal values, such as tolerance, fraternity, humanity and co-existence.   This attitude should explain the reason why Sufi groups have been keen to back political parties, which are adopting liberalism. For example, Egypt’s liberal Free Egyptians Party has members belonging to Sufi groups in the country.

Since it is not restricted by the mainstream rules, Sufi-linked liberalism retains immense regard and esteem for the value of tolerance. In other words, liberalism helps Sufi groups to overcome differences with different ideologies. For example, Sufi zekr brings together Sunni and Sh’ia dervishes.  This culture of tolerance prompted Salafi groups, which are campaigning for hardline and intolerable ideology, to condemn Sufi shepherds for integrating Shi’iasm and encouraging their followers to visit tombs of Prophet Mohamed’s family members.

Fourth-Challenges facing the political role of Sufism

1-Iconic figures, who gained tremendous popularity in society, could not help prevent the division of Sufi establishment to two schools. The followers of the first school applaud modernity. They also encourage their leaders rise up the political hierarchy in society.  Malaysia and Turkey are good examples.

Members of the second school confined themselves to the long-standing folkloric rituals and festivals. They also appreciated myths associated with Sufi predecessors. Members of this school, especially in North Maghreb, are unwilling to wade knee-high in the political quagmire in their societies. 

2-Regional and international networking: Sufi groups decided to launch regional and globally networking by institutionalizing their political agenda. For example, the World Union of Sufi Groups held several regional and international conferences in different countries to consolidate the unity of Sufi people across the world. On the other hand, members of the Sufi sect called Burhaniya Desoukiya Group have set up their tent in Arab and European countries, such as Libya, Algeria, Morroco, Yemen, Tunisia, Syria, Jordan, Sudan, Sweden, Norway, Denmark, Germany, Holland, Luxemburg, Switzerland, Italy, Russia, Canada and the US. Morocco-based Sufi group called Muhamadiyya Fawzawiyya al-Karkiyya (established by Sheikh Mohamed Fawzi) has members in France, Indonesia and Spain.

The disciples of Sheikh Mohamed Bahaa-Eddin al-Naqshabandi, founder of Egypt’s Al-Naqshabandiya Sufi Group, have broadcast its ideas in Arab and Asian countries. Al-Naqashabandiya is also popular in the US and Europe.

3- Similarities and the intersected and intertwined Sufi map in the Arab region: About 50% of Sufi groups in the Arab region derived their rituals, ideas and systems from one source. Accordingly, they adopted the same political attitudes and agenda during the Arab Spring, whether in Libya, Egypt, Yemen, Tunisia and Syria.  These groups initially preferred to act as fence-sitters before they decided to lend support to the regimes. Egypt’s Azmiyya Sufi Group issued a statement, in which it declared its support to January 25 Revolution; two Sufi groups in Syria—Shazliyya and Refaiyya—issued several statements to support the Syrian revolution against the regime of President Bashar Assad.

3-Weak institutionalization: the weakness of institutionalization in the Arab region appears to be one of the most difficult challenge facing Sufi establishment. Signs of weakness in this respect are apparent in divisions and differences hitting the large Sufi groups in particular over the chairmanship.

On the other hand, the absence of a mechanism of institutionalized coordination between Sufi groups across the Arab world has impeded attempts to adopt a unified stance on issues and concerns overwhelming the Arab world.

4-Polarisation and hauteur: Some Sufi groups are viewing different Islamic movements with disdainful pride. These groups are also considering themselves the best voice of Islam in society. However, adopting a political agenda would shake their prestige when they bid to launch an Islamic project.