Blood-stained turbans: Death committees and massacre of Kurds a disgrace that haunts mullahs
The Ahvazi
people continue their uprising that was sparked in early July 2021 due to the
continuous violations practiced by the Iranian regime against the Ahvazis and
non-Persian nationalities in general, in light of the regime’s plans to
obliterate the identity of the Arab Ahvazi people and change the demography, in
addition to the repression and executions practiced by the regime against
rebellious Ahvazi youth, which brings to mind the historical crimes committed
by the mullah regime against the Iranian people of all sects.
According to
human rights reports, more than 5,000 people were executed in Iranian prisons
in the summer of 1988 for membership in or affiliation with mostly left-wing
opposition groups, including members of the Marxist-Leninist People's Fedaian,
the Communist Tudeh Party, and activists of non-Persian ethnicities, especially
the Ahvazi Arabs, the Kurds, the Baluchis and the Turkmen.
Ahmed
Montazeri
Ahmed
Montazeri, son of late Iranian cleric Hossein Ali Montazeri, published a
recording three years ago exposing the atrocities of the so-called “death
committees” that carried out the executions in 1988 in Iran against opposition
detainees. He was sentenced to several years in prison, but the sentence was
not implemented.
Montazeri
revealed the content of an audio recording relating to his father's meeting
with the officials of the 1988 death committee, stating that he was not allowed
to broadcast the audio recording.
In a video
clip broadcast on Twitter, Montazeri indicated that the recording revealed the
involvement of four people in the executions of detainees in Iranian prisons,
and he considered the 1988 executions “the biggest crimes of the Islamic
Republic.”
“A group of
four people who were responsible for carrying out the executions in 1988
visited my father in January 1989, and there is an audio file recorded for this
meeting,” he explained.
According to
Iran International, the judicial and security authorities who attended this
meeting with Hossein Ali Montazeri are: Hossein Ali Nayeri, a Sharia judge at
the time; Morteza Eshraghi, a Tehran prosecutor at the time; Ebrahim Raisi, an
assistant prosecutor at the time and the current president; and Mostafa
Pourmohammadi, the representative of the Intelligence Ministry in Evin Prison
at the time.
Of course,
Montazeri received threats from security and judicial officials of six years in
prison if he published the audio file related to the aforementioned meeting, as
well as other files related to the 1988 executions.
Supreme
Leader Ruhollah Khomeini
The
religious reference for the crime was the fatwa of late Supreme Leader Ruhollah
Khomeini under the slogan “Jihad against the infidels”. In practical
implementation of Khomeini’s fatwa, what were known as “death committees” were
formed in Tehran and in various regions of Iran. Within months, more than
30,000 political prisoners were executed. The majority of them were
Mojahedin-e-Khalq, at a time when those committees included prominent Iranian
officials.
These
confessions were made by one of the Iranian judges involved in the killing of
thousands of political opponents at the end of the 1980s in the prisons of the
mullah regime, with new confessions confirming that Khomeini had ordered the
execution of the 1988 massacre.
Ali Razini,
a former senior judicial official in Tehran, said that the trials of these
dissidents took place “very quickly” in the summer of 1988 on the orders of the
former Iranian leader.
Razini also
said that Khomeini called on them during that period to confront the activities
of the opposition People's Mojahedin Organization of Iran (PMOI), which is
currently based in Paris and represents the National Council of Resistance of Iran
(NCRI), while they remained in detention in Tehran's prisons.
He stressed
that the orders issued to them in what were known as “death courts” by the head
of the Iranian regime implied the need to expedite the pace of litigation
against these prisoners who were later executed inside the prisons, as the
death toll reached about 30,000 people.
Ali
Khamenei
According to
Sky News Arabia, the PMOI released a statement confirming that “most of the
main institutions of the regime are run by officials involved in the massacre.”
The
opposition “managed to obtain names and information about 59 senior officials
responsible for this massacre, whose criminal record was hidden for three
decades, and they now occupy sovereign positions in the various organs of the
regime.”
The
statement added that “these individuals had participated in the death
committees in Tehran and ten provinces in the country,” stressing that
“investigations regarding the disclosure of the names of the rest of the
criminals are still ongoing.”
Among the 59
most prominent figures mentioned in the opposition’s report, “Supreme Leader
Ali Khamenei, who at the time of the massacre was the president of the republic
for the regime, was one of the main stakeholders in making the decision.”
In addition
to Khamenei, the opposition revealed the involvement of “four members of the
Expediency Council,” including Ali Akbar Rafsanjani, former head of the
Expediency Council, who was then the speaker of parliament and the deputy
commander-in-chief of the armed forces.
Other
members included Ali Fallahian, the sponsor of the Ministry of Intelligence
during the massacre and then Minister of Intelligence; Gholam-Hossein
Mohseni-Eje'i, the representative of the judiciary in the Ministry of
Intelligence; and Majid Ansari, head of the prison authority during the
massacre, according to the report.
The report
indicated that “the message of Hossein Ali Montazeri, Khomeini's deputy, who
was dismissed in 1988 because of his opposition to the massacre, confirms that
Khamenei and Rafsanjani were with the late leader in making the decision to
execute the prisoners.”
The list of
names involved in the massacre included officials in the Assembly of Experts,
the judiciary (including the current Minister of Justice and former ministers),
the Guardian Council, the Presidency of the Republic, the administrative
bodies, the army, and financial institutions.
Kurdish
massacre
The massacre
of the Kurds is one of the biggest crimes in the mullahs’ record, especially
since it came two months after the Iranian Revolution, as the regime quickly
revealed its bloodiness through this massacre, which claimed many lives.
It is known
that the non-Persian nationalities in Iran, whether Ahvazis, Baluchis, Azeris,
or Kurds, represent a chronic headache for the regime, which is always trying
to stifle them, abuse them, and obliterate their identity. This started early
and immediately after coming to power, but the regime has not yet succeeded in
achieving its goal, being unable to subjugate them.
Among the
groups betrayed were the Kurds of Iran who had engaged in the revolution
against the Shah and entered into negotiations with the new regime to obtain
their national rights. With Khomeini's control of the country's joints in the
early 1980s, he demanded on official radio that the army head towards Sanandaj
(the capital of Kurdistan Province) to suppress those he described as evil. To
this day, the series of confrontations with Kurdish activists continues.
After
revolution, the Kurds demanded that Khomeini fulfill his promises to them, but
he turned against these promises and began the journey of persecuting the
Kurds. The Revolutionary Guards committed massacres against the residents of
Kurdish cities in Iran, in implementation of a fatwa issued by Khomeini.
The fatwa
considered the Kurdish parties that had liberated their cities after the fall
of the Shah's regime as “apostates” that should be liquidated, which resulted
in the killing of more than 10,000 Kurdish civilians who were executed in the
streets without trial.
The leader
of the Kurdish opposition party, Arif Bawecani, said, “Khomeini’s fatwa had
sectarian and doctrinal aims through which he wanted to incite the sons of
other nationalities against the Kurds and their political forces, after he felt
their influential role in shaping the country’s future political scene. This
ominous fatwa launched a sectarian war. An abomination against our people is
still raging and claimed the lives of tens of thousands of our children.”
The
Kurdistan Democratic Party of Iran (KDPI), whose leader Abdul Rahman Ghassemlou
was assassinated by the Khomeini regime, believes that the failure of the
Tehran regime to sign international conventions prevents filing lawsuits against
it in international forums. According to Kurdish opposition sources, the
outcome of the Kurds' losses from the four-decade conflict has reached more
than 50,000 dead.
Mustafa
Hijri
So far, the
regime has not stopped targeting the Kurds. KDPI leader Mustafa Hijri confirmed
in an interview with the Independent Arabic, “The regime’s aggression is still
going on. In 2018, the number of Kurdish political prisoners reached about 467
Kurdish prisoners from a total of 1,152 political prisoners, and 93 Kurdish
prisoners were accused of fighting God, and 63 of them were executed.”