Chechens avenge family lost in wars against Moscow
The cities of Bakhmut and Grozny were in the same country
not so long ago, a 600-mile road journey apart.
The route that the men in front of me have taken from
Chechnya to Ukraine since the fall of the Soviet Union has been longer, taken
in half of Europe, and several decades.
Hundreds of Chechens who fled the violent rule of Ramzan
Kadyrov, their Kremlin-backed leader, are now fighting with the Ukrainian army,
taking the chance to avenge family and friends lost in wars against Moscow in
their youth.
They are at the front of the battle for Bakhmut, in
Ukraine’s east, where younger, inexperienced Ukrainian volunteers rely on their
fighting record and knowledge of the enemy.
Issa “Vedeno” took up arms against the Russians in 1994 and
was injured fighting them in 2000. Now grey, last week he was carrying his gun
on the front line in Opytne, just south of Bakhmut, fighting off Russia’s
Wagner mercenaries.
In the years in between, he lived in Azerbaijan and Poland,
working as a car mechanic.
Sabah fought the Russians until defeat in the second Chechen
war in 2005. Now after years in Austria training as a computer programmer and
learning German, he is back in combat, recruited to the Sheikh Mansur
battalion, a unit composed mainly of Chechen but also Dagestani and other
ethnic minorities from the Russian Federation.
“We are used for special operations,” Sabah said. “Of
course, we have this experience of guerrilla warfare, so we can work anywhere.”
We met away from the front, after they were rotated off the
line. “Dobre” and “No Fingers”, a Dagestani and Chechen respectively from
Ukraine’s foreign legion, we met in Bakhmut itself.
“No Fingers” is in fact missing only four fingers, lost
while preparing explosives in an earlier round of the Ukraine war. He has been
fighting for Kyiv the longest, since 2014 — like the others, he asked not to be
fully identified for the sake of family still in Russia.
Dobre and “No Fingers” had just come back from a mission to
rescue a Ukrainian officer and five of his men who had become trapped in a
house in Zabakhmutva, on the eastern fringes of the town.
They stormed in and cleared the Russians pinning down the
squad from the house opposite, they said, killing all of them, then dragging
the Ukrainians free.
If they fight like they have nothing left to lose, that is
perhaps the reality. Issa is called Vedeno because that is the town in Chechnya
from which he comes. It was once the capital of a briefly independent Chechen
state, after the Russian revolution, and was the scene of bitter fighting in
the post-Soviet Chechen wars, culminating in its bombing and storming by
Russian forces in 2001.
“My two brothers were
killed fighting in the war,” Issa said. “My father, mother and sister were all
killed by Russian bombing.”
Sabah told a similar story: his father, brother and sister
were all killed by Russian forces. He and two brothers managed to escape. “We
have a big family,” he said. “But 70 per cent of them are dead.”
The Chechen rebellion was finally put down after Kadyrov’s
late father, Akhmad, an opposition leader, switched sides. He was assassinated
but his son took over. He has enforced his own rule and that of President Putin
ever since.
The rebels fled across Europe. Some lived peaceful lives for
years, like Issa and Sabah. Some followed Kadyrov into Russian ranks. Many of
those are now fighting in their own force for Moscow, on the other side from
their former comrades.
The numbers are not evenly matched. Kadyrov has sent in a
large part of his personal army, with more than 20,000 of his troops estimated
to have fought in Ukraine at some point, and about 8,000 to 10,000 in the
country at the height of their involvement in the early days of the invasion.
The two main units on the Ukrainian side, the Sheikh Mansur and
the Dzhokhar Dudayev battalions, muster several hundred people between them,
with some Chechens also fighting in the formal Ukrainian military.
The Chechen resistance had an Islamist streak that became
more radical as time went on. Several former fighters ended up in Syria
fighting with Islamic State, the al-Qaeda offshoot the Nusra Front, or other
rebel groups.
The most controversial fighter now on the Ukrainian side is
Abdul Hakim al-Shishani, real name Rustam Azhiyev, who led an Islamist group
that was briefly allied to the Nusra Front in the rebel-held Syrian province of
Idlib.
His arrival in Ukraine has led Russian propaganda channels
to denounce the “jihadists” fighting in the Ukrainian cause.
However he fell out with the Nusra Front after refusing to
follow its ideological line. Azhiyev was given refuge in Turkey, where he was
said to have been the target of a 2021 assassination plot directed from Russia,
perhaps personally by Kadyrov.
He appears to be working in Ukraine with the support of
Kyiv, and to have arrived in Bakhmut this month.
That is good enough for “Dobre”. “He must be a good
fighter,” he said. “As for the rest, we will let him be judged by his deeds.”
The Chechens know they have a reputation as hardline and
militant, and argue against it. “Umar”, a special forces soldier from the
Sheikh Mansur battalion, said the group had strict entry controls and weeded
out extremists, criminals and those with associations with “undesirable”
groups.
“We are a pure battalion,” he said. “We don’t let just
anyone join us.”
The Sheikh Mansur battalion was founded in 2014 at the
outset of the first stage of the war. Since last year it has seen action around
Kyiv and then in Sievierodonetsk, before moving to the Bakhmut front.
The presence of Chechens on both sides of this war is an
indication that while pacified, Chechnya is still living with its own bitter
conflict. It also casts a light on Putin’s nervousness that defeat in Ukraine
will lead to further separatist efforts back in the Russian “Federation”.
One belief the pro-Ukrainian Chechens share is that if they
defeat Putin in Ukraine, they might one day win independence for their own
republic.
The other is a conviction that they have been ill-treated by
the West, suspicious of their religion.
“The western world has only now seen the face of our enemy,”
Sabah said. “They see the thousands who have died in Ukraine but did they not
see the hundreds of thousands killed in Chechnya, in Georgia, in Syria? Was
that not enough to see who the real terrorist was?”
Umar added: “If we had been helped as Ukraine has now been
helped, Russia would not be here right now.”