Repercussions of Turkish military intervention on the Libyan scene
Following the start of the latest military operation by
Field Marshal Khalifa Haftar’s Libyan National Army (LNA) aimed at controlling
the capital, Tripoli, the Libyan crisis saw rapid developments, as the Fayez
al-Sarraj Government of National Accord (GNA) requested extensive support and
intervention to change the course of the battle.
Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan grabbed onto this
request in order to enhance his influence in Libya and to benefit from this on
several axes.
The GNA’s request and the Turkish parliament's decision to
approve the deployment of military forces in Libya raises questions about the
nature and limits of cooperation between the two parties, as well as about the
tools that Ankara uses inside the North African country. There are also
questions about the effects of this intervention on terrorist groups in Libya.
Snapshots of the Turkish military intervention in Libya
1– Official presence: Erdogan
submitted a request to parliament for authorization to send Turkish military
forces to Libya, which it agreed to for a year, with the option to renew. While
Turkish support for the Sarraj government is not new, pledging to intervene
militarily represents a new milestone in the relations between the two allies.
It could be said that Erdogan took advantage of Sarraj's
need for support in order to gain a foothold in Libya for several
considerations, including his tense relationship with Egypt and the issue of Mediterranean
oil and gas fields.
2– Supplying arms: The Turkish
government provides military support to Sarraj’s forces and their armed militias
by sending arms and military equipment, violating the UN embargo imposed on
Libya since 2011, which was last renewed by the Security Council in June 2019.
There are three benefits Turkey is perhaps trying to achieve,
namely supporting the Sarraj forces and militias in their battles against the
LNA, opening a market and testing grounds for the Turkish military industry, and
receiving direct economic gains.
3– Turkey's relations with armed
militias: Erdogan and his government enjoy strong relations with armed
militias, ranging from support and coordination to the supply of military
equipment and weapons.
At the head of these militias are groups affiliated with the
Brotherhood and the Misrata Brigades, as well as close ties with the leaders of
the Libyan Fighting Group and other militias fighting against the LNA forces
with Turkish and Qatari support.
4– Re-employment of Syrian fighters:
Turkish recruitment of armed militias and terrorist groups that were active in
Syria to fight in Libya is not new. All that is different now is the expansion
of this influx, alongside the expected presence of Turkey’s regular military.
The Syrian Observatory for Human Rights estimates that 300
mercenaries from Syria have already arrived in Libya, while 1,600 have arrived
in Turkish camps to receive training and equipment before traveling.
Repercussions of Turkish intervention on armed militias
in Libya
1– Transforming Libya into a terrorist
outpost: The danger of transporting militants to Libya lies in the
stability of these terrorists there and the establishment of an area for them
to gather on Libyan soil, turning Libya into a terrorist hotbed similar to
Syria.
In this case, the countries of North Africa would be
threatened, at the forefront of which is Egypt, as Libya would become a point
of departure for terrorist elements entering Egyptian territory through the
Western Sahara.
2– Opening the door to new terrorist
organizations: In connection with the previous point, the transfer of
terrorists from Syria to Libya can carry with it the transfer of organizations
and not just individuals, as the options exist for these militants to either
join existing groups, forming new terrorist groups, or forming branches of
groups that were active in Syria.
3– Libya has turned into an attractive
environment for mercenaries: As the fighting continues, could attract more
than just fighters from Syria, as armed men of different Arab and Western
nationalities could aspire to take advantage of the incentives offered by the
Erdogan and Sarraj governments to fight among their ranks in Libya.
4– Government-sponsored militias:
The Turkish intervention aims to enable the GNA forces to block the LNA’s
progress, which would keep the Sarraj government’s control over the Libyan
capital, continue Tripoli’s dependence on armed militias, and increase their
influence, as Sarraj is known to already depend on a number of militias.
5– Increasing the danger and
effectiveness of armed militias: As previously mentioned, one means of Turkey
intervening is by supplying the militias with weapons and equipment, which
increases their activity and effectiveness and extends their survival.
6–Brotherhood’s return to the political
scene in North Africa: The Turkish military intervention also aims to
support the Brotherhood, to which the GNA is affiliated. Turkey is trying to
maintain a presence for the Brotherhood project in North Africa, especially
after the group was forced to retreat in Tunisia, Algeria and Egypt.