Russia 'hired network of Britons to go after enemies of Putin'
Russia has been accused of hiring a network of
British politicians and consultants to help advance its criminal interests and
to “go after” Vladimir Putin’s enemies in London, MPs who drew up the Russia
report suppressed by Boris Johnson were told.
In secret evidence submitted to parliament’s
intelligence and security committee (ISC), the campaigner and financier Bill
Browder claimed Moscow had been able to “infiltrate” UK society by using
well-paid British intermediaries.
Some had “reason to know exactly what they are doing
and for whom”, Browder told the committee. Others “work unwittingly for Russian
state interests”, he said.
The alleged intermediaries include politicians from
both Labour and the Conservative parties, former intelligence officers and
diplomats, and leading public relations firms. Collectively, they form what
Browder calls a “western buffer network”.
There is no suggestion in Browder’s testimony that
British citizens broke the law.
The regime in Moscow uses these professionals to
mask its “entangled” state and criminal interests, he alleged. It deploys them
to attack Putin critics, “enhance Russian propaganda and disinformation” and to
“facilitate and conceal massive money-laundering operations”, he said.
Putin’s spokesman Dmitry Peskov called Browder’s
claims false and “totally groundless”. Questions about corruption at the heart
of the Russian state were “a perfect example of a maniac-style Russophobia”,
Peskov said.
With his permission, the Guardian is publishing
Browder’s previously confidential evidence to the ISC. The committee carried
out a two-year investigation behind closed doors into how the Kremlin is
seeking to influence and subvert UK politics and society. Its 50-page report
was ready for release last November, before the election.
Downing Street cleared the document after the
election. It claims the final document contains little new information and is
underwhelming – although others who have read it disagree.
Opposition MPs said Browder’s evidence demonstrated
the need to publish the report as soon as possible.
Ian Blackford, the leader of the SNP at Westminster,
wrote to Johnson a month ago asking for a timetable for the report’s
publication, which requires Downing Street to appoint a new nine-member
cross-party committee of MPs and peers.
But nearly three months after the election, that
process is only in its early stages, and it is likely to be a few weeks at
least before the long-awaited report is able to be issued, partly because new
members need to be vetted before they can sit.
Browder was one of several expert witnesses invited
to give evidence to MPs and peers. In September 2018 he submitted a 14-page
statement, which included a number of recommendations.
They include setting up a US-style register of
individuals working for foreign state interests, as well as extra resources for
regulators, investigators, police and prosecutors. He calls on Companies House
in London to review filings made by firms linked to Russian money-laundering
scandals.
Speaking to the Guardian, Browder said: “Yes, there
are members of the Russian security services working out of the Russian embassy
under diplomatic cover. What the government seems to be missing is the fact
that there are all sorts of informal espionage networks.
“There are Russian oligarchs who have a much greater
impact on the security of this country. What’s most shocking is that the
Russian government is indirectly hiring British nationals to assist them in its
intelligence operations.”
Browder argues that the Russian state and organised
crime have in effect merged. Money stolen from the budget and private companies
is used to enrich senior officials – including Putin – and to finance “black
ops and special projects”, he told the ISC.
The Kremlin has issued multiple Interpol warrants
for Browder’s arrest and says he is a criminal. It has convicted him in
absentia of tax evasion and deliberate bankruptcy. Browder says he is the
victim of a vendetta by corrupt state officials. He denies all charges.
Browder’s fund, Hermitage Capital Management, was
once the biggest foreign investor in the Russian market. He fell out with the
authorities after – he says – calling for a clean-up of companies in which
Putin and his inner circle have financial interests. In 2005 Russia deported
him from Moscow.
Officials linked to the FSB spy agency subsequently
stole $230m in taxes paid by the fund to the Russian treasury, Browder alleges.
In 2009 his lawyer Sergei Magnitsky died in custody. Browder persuaded the US
and some other western governments to sanction senior officials allegedly
involved in human rights abuses.
The Kremlin was furious. It paid British firms to
“advance a false narrative of the fraud”, Browder told the ISC. One official
allegedly involved, Andrey Pavlov, made an unsuccessful attempt to keep his
name off a European parliament sanctions list, hiring the Labour former
attorney general Lord Goldsmith to lobby on his behalf. Goldsmith’s law firm
received a £75,000 fee, Browder claims.
The firm, Debevoise & Plimpton, said it could
not comment on confidential client matters but that Pavlov denied wrongdoing.
It added: “Everyone is entitled to legal representation. Debevoise provides
legal representation consistent with the profession’s best traditions of
integrity and probity. We will continue fearlessly to defend the interests of
all our clients.”
Pavlov retained the services of GPW, a business
intelligence company run by a former MI6 officer, Andrew Fulton. Browder says
GPW’s brief included gathering intelligence on him. Fulton – a chairman of the
Scottish Conservative party – left GPW in 2017. Its managing director, Philip
Worman, said he could not comment on “any aspect of our work”.
Fulton’s former GPW colleague Andrew Wordsworth said
Pavlov was entitled to know the facts of his case: “The use of sanctions
against individuals is a pretty draconian remedy. Some people would argue that
before you destroy people’s lives they should be able to defend themselves.”
In his evidence Browder alleges that Pavlov also
hired Lynton Crosby’s communications firm CTF, paying it £45,000.
However, CTF denies Browder’s allegations. It says
Goldsmith’s law firm hired a separate entity, CTF Corporate & Financial
Communications (CTFCFC), to “research the EU sanctions landscape”. CTFCFC
advised the law firm and there was no contact with Pavlov. “This was the extent
of our involvement and to try and claim otherwise would be utterly false,” it
said. According to Companies House records, Crosby is a CTFCFC director.
There is no suggestion Crosby personally worked on
or was aware of the work on EU sanctions carried out by CTFCFC until it
appeared in the media. “Lynton Crosby was working exclusively on the 2015
general election campaign for the Conservative party at this time, and had no
client involvement, outside of the Conservative party,” it said, adding that
Crosby had never met or worked with Goldsmith or Debevoise.
Browder further names British individuals who have
fronted up offshore companies used in the alleged Magnitsky fraud and in other
cases. The UK citizens appear as nominal directors of non-transparent firms in
countries through which billions of dollars have been laundered, including the
UK, Russia, Ukraine, Cyprus and Latvia.