Nagorno-Karabakh fighting raises threat of deadly escalation
A Russian attempt to broker a cease-fire to end the
worst outbreak of hostilities over the disputed region of Nagorno-Karabakh in
more than a quarter-century has failed to get any traction, with rivals
Azerbaijan and Armenia trading blame for new attacks.
The failure of the truce that was supposed to begin
Saturday reflects the uncompromising positions of the two South Caucasus
nations that have stymied decades of diplomatic efforts. The escalation of
fighting raises the specter of a wider conflict that could draw in Russia and
Turkey and threaten Caspian Sea energy exports.
Nagorno-Karabakh, populated mostly by Armenians, was
an autonomous region inside Azerbaijan during the Soviet era. Historic tensions
between Christian Armenians and mostly Muslim Azerbaijanis, fueled by memories
of the 1915 massacre of 1.5 million Armenians by Ottoman Turks, exploded in the
final years of the Soviet Union.
In 1988, the region sought to join Armenia,
triggering hostilities that morphed into an all-out war as the USSR collapsed
in 1991. By the time a 1994 cease-fire ended the fighting, an estimated 30,000
people had been killed and up to 1 million were displaced. Armenian forces not
only held Nagorno-Karabakh itself but also seized substantial chunks of land
outside the territory’s borders.
Nagorno-Karabakh, a forested, mountainous territory
that covers about 4,400 square kilometers (1,700 square miles), the size of the
U.S. state of Delaware, has run its own affairs ever since, relying on
Armenia’s support.
Ever since Armenian forces routed Azerbaijani troops
in the war, international mediators have sought a political settlement.
Russia, the United States and France, which
co-sponsored the Nagorno-Karabakh peace talks under the aegis of the
Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, have put forward numerous
peace initiatives, but Armenia’s stiff resistance to surrendering any land has
been a key stumbling block.
Azerbaijan, meanwhile, has relied on its oil wealth
to modernize its military and now argues that it has the right to reclaim its
land by force after nearly three decades of failed international mediation.
While separatist forces in the Nagorno-Karabakh and
the Armenian military continue to rely mostly on aging Soviet-built weapons,
Azerbaijan has completely revamped its arsenal with state-of-the-art attack
drones and powerful long-range multiple rocket systems supplied by its neighbor
and ally, Turkey.
More than two weeks of fighting has shown that
Azerbaijan has clearly outgunned the Nagorno-Karabakh forces and put them on
the defensive. Azerbaijani troops have made significant advances in several
areas around Nagorno-Karabakh and showered its towns with rockets and artillery
shells.
Armenian forces have countered with Soviet-built
howitzers, antiquated BM-21 rocket launchers and obsolete Tochka-U missiles
that lack the punch and precision of Azerbaijan’s more modern weapons.
Unlike previous outbursts of hostilities over
Nagorno-Karabakh, NATO-member Turkey, which has close ethnic, cultural and
historic bonds with Azerbaijan, took a higher profile and vowed to help
Azerbaijan reclaim its territory. Turkey’s newly assertive role reflects
President Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s ambitions to expand his nation’s clout.
Armenian officials say Turkey is directly involved
in the conflict and is sending Syrian mercenaries to fight on Azerbaijan’s
side. Turkey has denied deploying combatants to the region, but a Syrian war
monitor and Syria-based opposition activists have confirmed that Turkey has
sent hundreds of Syrian opposition fighters to fight in Nagorno-Karabakh.
Armenian authorities also charge that Turkey
provides Azerbaijan with intelligence and even air cover, claiming that a
Turkish F-16 fighter jet shot down an Armenian warplane. Turkey and Azerbaijan
have denied the claim, but Azerbaijan’s president admitted that Turkish F-16s
have stayed on in Azerbaijan weeks after a joint military exercise. He insisted
that they have remained grounded.
While Armenia aims to preserve the 1994 status quo
in the region and desperately needs a cease-fire to contain the damage and
regroup, Azerbaijan, with Turkey’s blessing, clearly is bracing for a long
fight, hoping to bleed Armenia and force it to make concessions.
The escalation of fighting is a major challenge for
Russia, which has a military base in Armenia but also has sought to maintain
good ties with Azerbaijan and avoid a showdown with Turkey. Russia and Turkey
have learned to accommodate mutual interests in Syria and Libya and have
developed strong economic ties, but the fighting in Nagorno-Karabakh could now
shatter their alliance.
Azerbaijan and Turkey have accepted Russia’s
mediation and grudgingly agreed to a truce, but they have made it clear that
see the cease-fire as temporary until Armenia agrees to pull back its forces
from Nagorno-Karabakh.
Landlocked Armenia, emaciated by three decades of
Turkish and Azerbaijani blockades, lacks resources for a drawn-out conflict.
But it can’t be expected to yield to pressure. Patriotic sentiments run high,
and Armenians of all trades and ages have volunteered to go the front lines.
If Armenian forces in Nagorno-Karabakh start losing
ground, Armenia could raise the stakes in the conflict by recognizing the
separatist region’s independence — something it hasn’t done yet — and openly
challenging Azerbaijan militarily. So far, Armenian officials have denied
making any strikes on Azerbaijan from its territory, a claim contested by
Azerbaijan.
Armenia has several high-precision Iskander
surface-to-surface missile systems supplied by Russia. It hasn’t used the
powerful weapon yet, but it could be tempted to if Armenian forces face the
prospect of losing Nagorno-Karabakh.
Armenian authorities so far have vowed not to target
Azerbaijan’s infrastructure, including an oil pipeline carrying its Caspian
crude to Turkey and on to Western markets, but their calculus may change if
Armenian forces in Nagorno-Karabakh are cornered. If the Armenian forces target
the strategic pipeline, Azerbaijan could also up the ante.
During the previous escalation of hostilities
between Armenia and Azerbaijan in July, Azerbaijan’s Defense Ministry boasted
of its state-of-the-art missile systems that are capable of striking Armenia’s
Metsamor nuclear power plant — a threat the Armenian authorities at the time
denounced as “genocidal.”
If Azerbaijan openly strikes Armenian territory,
Moscow would be obliged by its military pact with Yerevan to intervene
militarily to protect its ally. Turkey could hardly be expected to stay idle
too.



