Gendered violence pervades Turkish society while the government refuses to act
 
 
Southwestern Turkey. A small town by the beach.
There’s drama afoot.
“What did I ever do to you except loving you?” asks
the secret ex-lover of a married woman, as he stabs her very pregnant belly
repeatedly. There’s no blood on his knife – because the woman is not actually
pregnant, she was faking it.
“You are the devil!” he shouts, over and over again,
as he stabs her again, this time avoiding the foam belly and aiming for her
actual guts. Another woman sneaks up behind him and slits his throat. 
The scene was from a teaser video hours before the
latest episode of Star TV’s The Ambassador’s Daughter was aired on Monday
night. The network shared this spectacle of double homicide with a hashtag,
“#EnGüzelAn,” which means “the most beautiful moment” in Turkish.
In disgust, one Twitter account responded: “While
femicides increase every day in the country, anybody who wrote, shot and
broadcast this scene is culpable for every murder that is committed.” The
account is run by women who sought justice for Şule
Çet, a 23-year-old woman
who was raped and murdered by her boss in 2018, and continue to demand justice
for other victims of sex-based violence.
There are many accounts like the Justice for Şule
Platform. It has become common place for abused women or families and friends
of murder victims to take to social media to rile up enough outrage to force
authorities to take action. 
Gülay Mübarek had been filing stalking complaints
against Erdoğan Küpeli for two years. Küpeli was only detained
after Gülay and her friends
raised hell, and thousands of women joined in. Küpeli was arrested briefly, and when the
social media outrage died down a little, he was released. This was in 2018.
This year, Küpeli succeeded in killing another woman, Tuğba
Keleş,
after stalking her. 
It feels like the murders are escalating, too. As if
Turkish women lived in the final season of a CSI spin-off, where regular
murders don’t cut it anymore, so the writers have to get creative.
A few years ago, a woman stabbed on the street as
she tried to avoid her ex-husband was the most brutal story you could find –
which was brutal enough, to be fair. Then Özgecan Aslan entered the Turkish
collective consciousness in 2015 when minibus driver Ahmet Suphi Altındöken
killed her for resisting rape, chopped off her hands to get rid of evidence,
and burned her body. 
This year saw Cemal Metin Avcı kill Pınar Gültekin
for rejecting his advances, stuff her body in a barrel, burn her, and pour
concrete over her remains.
Interior Minister Süleyman Soylu doesn’t share this
feeling of escalation. He thinks things are getting better.
Speaking at an assessment meeting for state efforts
to combat domestic violence and violence against women, Soylu accused women who
run Anıt Sayaç, or the “Counter Monument”, a website that has a counter and
lists the names of every known murdered woman going back to 2008, of “being
slaves to ideology and politics,” and manipulating numbers.
“Results derived from newspaper clippings create
confusion for the whole of Turkey in terms of numbers,” Soylu said. “There is
an understanding that doesn’t trust in us for numbers, and in a ideologically
and politically motivated way, they collect these from newspapers.”
Anıt Sayaç and the We Will Stop Femicides Platform
(KCDP) propagate the data used for the monument from reports on the media,
because no ministries in Turkey actually make the statistics on violence
against women or sex-based violence public - if they gather the data at all,
that is. The activists state this fact clearly on the website.
But, unconvinced, “Everybody is working
meticulously,” Soylu said. “Unfortunately we are condemned by this group of
slaves to ideology because of wrongful numbers.”
Women organize marches and blame the state “as if
the state was doing all the killing.” The women do nothing but “commit
political violence,” he said. 
The official number of women killed in 2020 is 234,
Soylu said. Anıt Sayaç’s counter sits at 353 at the time of writing of this
article. Some of the discrepancy comes from the monument including names less
favoured by the government: Non-citizen women murdered in Turkey, like Uzbek
national Nadira Kadirova who was found dead last year in the home of Soylu’s
colleague and Justice and Development Party deputy Şirin
Ünal where she worked as
a housekeeper. And transwomen like Hande Şeker,
who was murdered last year by a police officer after the officer and his friend
refused to pay for Şeker’s intimate services. 
“It’s like they are making fun of us,” Fidan
Ataselim, secretary general for KCDP, was shouting during a demonstration last
week, as dozens of women around her stood dead silent. “Where is Gülistan
Doku?” she asked. 
Gülistan went missing in the eastern Tunceli
province on Jan. 5. The primary suspect was Zaynal Abarakov, a Russian-Turkish
dual citizen whose father is a police officer.
“What happened to Aleyna Çakır?” Ataselim asked.
Aleyna was 21 when she was found hanging by her
bathrobe’s belt. Media reported her death as a suicide, but an autopsy report
showed inconsistent injuries and male DNA underneath her fingernails. The Çakır
family later discovered and released videos of Aleyna being beaten by her
partner, Ümitcan Uygun. 
The man had on multiple occasions publicly
threatened to kill Aleyna, who worked at a nightclub. “Why does Ümitcan Uygun
still walk free?” Ataselim continued.
“Why does Musa Orhan walk free?” she asked again. 
Specialist Sergeant Musa Orhan had faced a judge for
allegedly driving to suicide 17-year-old Kurdish girl İpek
Er, who said in her suicide note that Orhan had sexually assaulted her, but was
not arrested. His next hearing is scheduled for February.
“What happened to Rabia Naz?” she asked.
Rabia Naz Vatan was 11 when she died, by jumping off
a roof, according to official records. Witnesses have testified seeing a car
hit a child and flee the scene, and a crime scene investigation report has
shown that in order for the little girl to fall the way she did, she would have
had to run faster than was possible to pick up speed before jumping. Her father
Şaban
Vatan has faced investigations and harassment for continuing to seek justice
for his daughter.
“Those sitting at those powerful seats, those who
say they have all the resources in the country – can’t they find out where
these women are, who killed these women?” Ataselim asked, and answered: “Of
course they could. This is what we mean by political will. We have the will to
bring these to light, my dearest women.”
“Domestic violence, killing women, these are things
our faith has prohibited, it’s that simple,” said Soylu. “Our religion says
nobody deserves to lose their life or experience violence, and gives us a duty
to solve this.”
“The Interior Ministry says shaming men will solve
women’s murders. Here’s the real issue: Why haven’t we ever heard of a law
enforcement officer who was penalized for failing to implement 6284?” asked
Ataselim in a tweet, referring to Turkey’s Law No. 6284 to Protect the Family
and Prevent Violence Against Women.
 
          
     
                                
 
 


