Crises Maker…US sanctions hit the Turkish army
Turkey faces sanctions both from the European Union
and the United States, following various warnings in the last months. Actually,
these are warnings of sanctions since Turkey still is given a chance to change
policies and avoid the proclaimed deterrents.
Turkey has the options to decide not to use the
S-400 air defence system supplied by Russia, the main U.S. demand, and to stop
drilling within Cyprus’ exclusive economic zone, the main EU demand, to avert
the cost of their punitive measures. The EU has given the Turkish government a
time allowance until March 2021 to prove its shift in attitude, and the United
States seems ready to be satisfied with a simple assurance by Turkey that it
will not activate the S-400.
In theory, a way out of the tensions between the
strategic partners – Turkey is a member of NATO and, at least officially, a
candidate country to join the EU – seems simple and easy. However, the friction
between the countries involved has lasted a long time, increased in the last
months and does not seem to be so easy to overcome.
The first reaction of Turkey to the warning of
sanctions signals that the received message is rather misinterpreted, and it is
counterproductive. There is a wide conviction in Turkey that in general and
historically the ‘West’ is prejudiced and conspiring against it. This belief of
such a problematic East-West framework is expressed officially every time a
disagreement occurs. Remarks like ‘they want us to succumb, to yield and to
submit’, or ‘they plan Turkey’s devastation’ sounds very familiar and sensible
to many Turks. Therefore, every disagreement is transformed to an issue of
vital national interest, of national honour and of a national principle of
self-defence.
Irrespective if this xenophobia (or
Christianophobia) is sincerely believed or if it is instrumentalised by
politicians to suit their own interests – for instance, to secure popular
support – the end result is the same: It sets barriers to Turkey to comply with
the expectations of the United States and the EU. This negative phobic
perception has worsened lately as Recep Tayyip Erdoğan
has initiated a close partnership with the National Movement Party (MHP) – the par excellence
supporter of xenophobia.
A probable alternative explanation of what is
happening between Turkey and its western partners is not discussed within the
country. The possibility that there are worries that Turkey is distancing
itself from the West and that it is instead courting Russia or that it
disregards basic EU principles such as human rights, respect to law,
transparency, international law – in short, democracy – is not considered by
the present-day Turkish political actors.
The ‘West’, as a block and for an unforeseeable time
will have to live with the question of how to deal with Turkey. A stern determent
approach and sanctions may expedite Turkey’s alienation; Turkey may be ‘lost’
to Russia, for example. On the other hand, a policy of ‘washing one’s hands’
vis-à-vis what Turkey chooses to do may be perceived as a carte blanche by the
Turkish government, worsening the situation in the long term and boosting Erdoğan’s vanity.
Actually, the method of appeasement was tried until
today and proved too optimistic. Turkey challenged its partners and, without
pretence, followed its own ‘national’ course in the international arena: from
Syria to Libya and from issues of human rights to international law. There are
no signs that Turkey will change its policy unless there is a reason to do so –
such as sanctions.
But there is a second rationale that still makes the
appeasing approach logical: Someday and somehow, Erdoğan
will not be in the political scene, and this may improve the situation; care
should be taken not to force Turkey to take a counter-West decision until that
day.
Therefore, the dilemma is great. Three more
parameters should be considered though.
First, the method of appeasement and ‘patience’ was
tried and did not produce results. Real sanctions were never attempted.
Second, a political change in Turkey is not
imminent, and there is no guarantee that a future political change will not
produce an even worse setting with worse leaders.
And third, the harm done on the image and the
prestige of the West, and especially among its citizens, is not being
considered when concessions on principles are suggested. After all, NATO and
the EU were built to secure such principles, apart from economic and security
considerations.



