The Propaganda War Intensifies in Afghanistan as the Taliban Gain Ground
First, a remote
provincial capital in Afghanistan’s southwest fell. The next day, it was a city
in Afghanistan’s north. By Sunday, Taliban fighters had taken three more
cities, including their biggest prize yet, the major provincial capital of
Kunduz.
All the while,
the Afghan central government has acknowledged very little of it.
In three days, at
least five provincial capitals have been seized by the Taliban, in a ruthless
land offensive that has led many local officials to abandon their posts and
flee the cities they run.
But the nation’s
government, still trying to promote the impression that it has the upper hand
against the Taliban, has been relatively silent on the enormous losses suffered
across the country. Rather than admitting that the cities have fallen, the
government has simply said that Afghanistan’s brave security forces were
fighting in several capitals around the country, and that airstrikes have
resulted in scores of dead Taliban fighters.
“The country’s
security and defense forces are always ready to defend this land,” the Afghan
Ministry of Defense tweeted Sunday as Kunduz was under siege. “The support and
love of the people for these forces increases their motivation and efforts.”
With cities
falling and the American military campaign mostly finished, the propaganda war
in Afghanistan has taken on outsize importance. For the Taliban, it is an
effort to communicate a drumbeat of victories, large or small, and to create an
air of inevitability about their return to power. For the government, it is an
all-out effort to stave off panic, boost morale and minimize losses.
Members of the
Taliban with a seized military Humvee after they took control of the Spin
Boldak border crossing last month.
Members of the
Taliban with a seized military Humvee after they took control of the Spin
Boldak border crossing last month.Credit...Akhter Gulfam/EPA, via Shutterstock
In recent days,
the Taliban have shared videos of cheering crowds welcoming them into provinces
(though some say Afghans are doing this only to avoid being harmed by the
Taliban later). On social media, Taliban spokesmen have been blaming civilian
casualties and infrastructure damage on the Afghan government, rather than on
the group’s aggressive takeover of vast segments of the country.
Their posts call
on Afghan security forces to surrender, with promises that they will be treated
humanely, accompanied by photos of seized weapons and security forces who have
given up. Notably missing from any Taliban messaging is any mention of
reconciliation with the government.
The government’s
information strategy has sought to create the opposite impression, with often
exaggerated and sometimes false claims about military victories, retaken
districts and assertions of Taliban casualties.
This approach
emerged this summer as a stand-in for something much more concrete: a publicly
enunciated plan to defeat an enemy that seems on the verge of crushing
Afghanistan’s fragile government institutions. Instead, Afghan leaders offer
assurances, meeting regularly for an elegant group photograph at the
presidential palace, conveying an image of stability and calm in the face of
the violence.
But the news
outside of Kabul, the capital, has created a disconnect, particularly as alarming
reports filter in from provincial officials of Afghan security forces —
exhausted, hungry and under-resourced — being overtaken by insurgents, or
surrendering altogether.
Source: Long War
Journal (control areas as of Aug. 8)By Scott Reinhard
In the north, the
key city of Mazar-i-Sharif is now largely surrounded, as the capitals of three
neighboring provinces fell to the Taliban Sunday. In the south, the economic
hub of Kandahar has been under siege for a month, despite an escalation in U.S.
airstrikes to slow the insurgents’ advance.
By Sunday, senior
government leaders still had not publicly acknowledged the seizure of any
provincial capital; instead, tweets from the Afghan Ministry of Defense touted
the deaths of hundreds of Taliban fighters, but the government has inflated
these casualties in the past.
A fledgling plan
to slow down the Taliban’s string of victories does now exist, U.S. and U.N.
diplomats and officials say, and it hews closely to longstanding U.S.
recommendations that the Afghans consolidate their remaining forces around
crucial roads and cities, as well as key border crossings, effectively
abandoning most of the dozens of districts already seized by the Taliban.
Mr. Ghani alluded
to this plan in a speech to Parliament on Aug. 2: “The Afghan Army is going to
focus on strategic objectives,” he said. “Afghan police officers must provide
cities and strategic districts with security.”
President Ashraf
Ghani speaking in Parliament in Kabul last week.
President Ashraf
Ghani speaking in Parliament in Kabul last week.Credit...Reuters
But the Ministry
of Defense continues to insist that the government intends to retake all of the
hundreds of Taliban-captured districts within six months.
“Our strategy is
to increase the number of airstrikes on the Taliban,” said Fawad Aman, the
Ministry of Defense spokesman — though in recent weeks it has been U.S.
airstrikes that have been playing a major role in slowing down the Taliban.
“First, we will recapture the districts that are very important. Then we will
try to recapture all the districts in the control of the Taliban.”
That would run
directly counter to what Americans have advised for months: not to defend the
rural districts. This is in effect what has been happening anyway, as Afghan
forces, in district after district, have surrendered or fled, at times without
a fight.
Men in Herat
watching a battle between Afghan security forces and Taliban fighters on
Thursday.
Men in Herat
watching a battle between Afghan security forces and Taliban fighters on
Thursday. Credit...Jalil Rezayee/EPA, via Shutterstock
And despite
counter messaging from the government that it’s killing Taliban fighters at
astonishing numbers, any casualties they have incurred appear to have had a
limited effect on the group’s military campaign. Since the beginning of May,
the Taliban have captured about 200 districts, putting them in control of more
than half of the 400-plus districts in Afghanistan.
At times, the
government has claimed to have recaptured districts that never actually fell to
the Taliban — like Pashtun Kot in Faryab Province and Ahmadabad in Paktia
Province. At other times, the government’s contentions appear clearly wrong to
the people in the supposedly reclaimed districts.
“There was no
operation,” said Lutfullah Mashal, a delivery truck driver in Balkh district in
the north, which the government falsely claimed to have recaptured after it was
overtaken by the Taliban in June. “The Taliban are moving freely around the
district. They tax people and they have implemented all their old rules.”
The driver’s
observation was confirmed by an official at the provincial police headquarters
who was not authorized to speak to the media.
Where the
government fails to hold a district it has recaptured, if only briefly, the
consequences can be severe for the residents.
People who fled
fighting in Kandahar and neighboring districts sheltering in a compound run by
the Afghan Department of Hajj and Religious Affairs last week.
People who fled
fighting in Kandahar and neighboring districts sheltering in a compound run by
the Afghan Department of Hajj and Religious Affairs last week.Credit...Jim Huylebroek
for The New York Times
On July 18,
members of a pro-government militia recaptured Malistan district in the
province of Ghazni, populated by Hazaras, a largely Shiite ethnic group
persecuted by the Sunni Taliban. The next day, the Taliban pushed the militia
members out. Some 20 of the district’s Hazara civilians were killed by the
Taliban; dozens more fled to Kabul. The government never publicly acknowledged
the renewed loss of Malistan district.
The government’s
fitful narrative appears to have convinced few. “The government does have the
capability to recapture districts,” said Mirza Mohammad Yarmand, a former
deputy interior minister. “But the main point is, what are they going to do
after recapturing them?”
“The districts
will soon collapse again,” he added.
A senior officer
in the country’s military, who asked not to be named because of the sensitivity
of the situation, noted that many Taliban conquests are carried out by a small
force of 10 or so fighters from whom it should be easy to take back districts.
Yet even if they were to do so, he said, Afghan security forces would be
unlikely to hold them because of weak defenses, weak local leaders and a lack
of central government support.
People stranded
at the border at Chaman, days after the Afghan government falsely reported it
had retaken the area from the Taliban.
People stranded
at the border at Chaman, days after the Afghan government falsely reported it
had retaken the area from the Taliban.Credit...Akhter Gulfam/EPA, via
Shutterstock
Bashir Ahmad
Nemani, a local police commander in the northern province of Badakhshan, saw
those weaknesses firsthand. The province, including his district of Khwahan, is
now almost entirely in the hands of the Taliban — a bitter pill for the
government as it was the one area in Afghanistan that resisted the insurgents
throughout their reign in the late 1990s.
This time, faced
with a Taliban onslaught, Badakhshan’s provincial police chief “promised
reinforcements,” said Mr. Nemani. “They never came.” The local militia working
with the government quickly collapsed.
“There was no
option,” he said. “Everything was destroyed. The police collapsed.” Mr. Nemani
fled across the border to Tajikistan with six of his men.
Flown to Kabul by
the Tajiks, he said he wants to continue to fight and is only awaiting word
from the government to return and take up arms again.
“There is a lot of
pain in my heart,” Mr. Nemani said. “Who could be happy with this brutal
situation?”