Silent growth of Salafi Madkhalism in Europe (7)
Madkhalism takes up arms
Generally speaking there has been a methodological
problem for Salafists. A broad Salafi trend takes up "necessity" to
justify legitimizing what they think is banned in Islam, i.e. elections,
parliament, acceptance of democracy and having women as candidates on their
electoral lists.
All of that has not been a result of religious
revision. These issues remain haram, or unlawful, but they consider halal due
to necessity, as part of their selective pragmatism.
The Salafi discourse has gone through a number of
key transition phases since the January 25 Revolution due to politicizing at a
time Salafists haven't completed requirements for political action, pragmatically and fundamentally.
Salafists sacrifice strategies for tactics, as they
don't have a program. They cannot free themselves from dependency and the old
notion to reproduce the past.
Salafists and the Muslim Brotherhood share similar
characteristics. However, Salafists lack experience compared to the
Brotherhood.
The Salafists have made a great achievement by
turning their charity and social capital into a political capital in a short
time despite their inexperience.
The old chart of Salafists: scientific Salafists,
dynamic Salafism, Salafi dawah, Madkhalists and Ansar al-Sunna should be
redefined politically to better understand the present situation.
The crucial question is: How could Alexandrian
Salafists make such a dogmatic compromise and engage in politics and
parliamentary action based on democratic rules?
Is the apostasy of parliament and rulers a general
judgment or something individual? Can the Salafi dawah take up political action
or not?
The Salafi approach is based on the denial of
anything against the Salafist rules. In Egypt, we may talk about "the
political Salafism" as a new group. This group suffers from a fundamental
contradiction between principle and approach, or the contradiction between the
Salafi dogmatic jurisprudence and the new changing politics.
This contradiction will deepen in time. However, the
Salafi dawah has come up with the following justifications:
1. Conciliation
with Islamism, citing that Islam encompasses all aspects of life. That
contradicted the Salafi situation in Egypt prior to the January 25 Revolution.
In Syria, al-Albany disdained from politics and focused only on education and
purism. Rabee al-Madkhali and Hadi al-Wadiy did the same thing.
2. Unity
of Islamist movements. Borhamy said dividing Islam into political and
nonpolitical is not correct. The priorities of Islamist groups are different,
but not contradictory. The priority is based on a pious and committed Muslim.
"This is the cornerstone for us," Borhamy added.
3. The
priority jurisprudence based on the non-separation between sharia and
politics. Borhamy said the political
objectives should be in line with the sharia. The objectives should lead the
worship of Allah and in line with what Prophet Mohamed [PBUH] ordered. We
believe that contradicted what Borhamy said about elections many times before
the January 25 Revolution.
Borhamy said that Salafists voted 'yes' for the
constitutional amendments on March 19, 2011 for the sake of stability. He said
Salafists' main concern is the second article of constitution which says that
the principles of Islamic Sharia are the principal source of legislation.
As for the polls, Borhamy said the Salafi dawah was
never against elections and polls. But it was futile during the Mubarak regime.
Although the Salafists reject democracy and the possibility of a Christian
president, they will take part in the political scene as they seek to preserve
Egypt's Islamic identity, as Borhamy put it.
To the
contrary of all that we find Madkhalists fully supporting the regimes. However,
the turning point was when Madkhalists took up arms against sufists and stood
up by Haftar in Libya and supported the Egyptian security forces and army in
Sinai.
Here we find that Salafism has led to Madkhalism,
which is concerned of cementing the regime more than dawah. Priorities reversed
as Madkhalism places the state above educational Islam and dawah.
We are about to find a new era of Salafism, which is
beyond Madkhalism, which switched from the general Islamic thoughts derived
from the historical model to working for the present regimes, taking advantage
of this space for expansion, turning into a new definition as the scene
developments lead to.
However, that doesn't mean a shift of mindset as it
will remain Salafist based on a social situation derived from the textual
religious fundamentals.
Salafism is a movement that defends religion calling
for the domination of the Salafi scholars. As a dynamic movement it labels
anything that contradicts its basics as badaa, or innovation, considering
dissidents to non-Sunnis.
It has a classical tendency seeking to criticize the
reality and diagnoses reasons of deterioration.
Madkhalists have evolved to militarily confront
sufists and Houthis. Some people say Madkhalism can be used. However, there
will be a potential threat in the future. The Madkhalist fundamentals are
similar to other Salafi groups.
The organizational framework is no longer a problem
for Madkhalists, who had groups taking part in wars in Libya and Yemen. In the
future, Madkhalism may take that direction.
The Salafi movement has witnessed a number of shifts
and transitions from the institutional, social Salafism represented by Ansar
al-Sunna, the Scientific Salafism, al-Gamiyah al-Sharia and dynamic Salafism to
the third current, which includes the Salafist Front, Sharia Students Movement,
Neo-Islamic Current and Ahfad Saladin (Saladin's Grandsons).
Other Salafist groups like the Islamist
Revolutionaries, Salafiyo Costa (Costa Salafis), Islamic Legitimate Body of
Rights and Freedoms, and Hazemoon also emerged.