Cooperation on Climate Is Emerging in the Middle East
In December 2020, the Israeli company Watergen signed a
partnership agreement with the Abu Dhabi-based multinational firm Al Dahra to
install their fresh water production devices in the United Arab Emirates. The
deal was notable both for its timing and the parties involved.
Arriving just two months after the signing of the Abraham
Accords — an agreement forged by the Trump administration that established
diplomatic relations between Israel and a handful of formerly adversarial Arab
nations — the Watergen deal soon resulted in dozens of water production units
operating in commercial and government buildings across the United Arab
Emirates.
The partnership was among the first collaborations between
Israel and these onetime foes aimed at combating climate-related challenges
such as rising temperatures and shrinking water resources. Since then, nearly a
half-dozen additional like-minded agreements have been discussed or reached,
including a plan to generate hydrogen power in Morocco and a United
States-supported and Emirates-funded deal for Jordan to sell solar power to
Israel in exchange for fresh water.
As the World Economic Forum meets in Davos, Switzerland,
next week, under the theme of “Cooperation in a Fragmented World,” the most
unlikely of places — the Middle East — may be offering hints of how that can be
achieved. Since the signing of the Abraham Accords, there has been progress on
the diplomatic and economic fronts, but especially in addressing the global
climate crisis — a major focus of the forum.
Kelsey Goodman, associate director for the Middle East and
North Africa for the World Economic Forum, said “the climate and energy nexus
is top of mind at the annual meeting,” particularly when it comes to the
Mideast-North Africa region, known as MENA.
Those nations are expected to turn out in record numbers at
Davos, whose talks are being seen as a springboard for next year’s COP28
climate summit to be held in Dubai, Ms. Goodman said. The trend, she said,
toward greater engagement on climate issues from MENA policymakers and business
leaders is a reflection of momentum on climate solutions in the region.
The accords have played a role in driving that momentum,
experts said. Spearheaded by Jared Kushner, former President Donald J. Trump’s
son-in-law and a presidential adviser, they ushered in a long-eluded
normalization between Israel and the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, Morocco and
Sudan.
Since then, agreements on defense and tourism have been
reached between Israel and the Persian Gulf states; over the past two years,
for instance, with the country now open to them, some 500,000 Israelis visited
the Emirates.
The Emirates also recently signed a first-of-its-kind deal
to acquire Israeli-made air defense systems. And academic cooperation
partnerships, like the one between Israel’s University of Haifa and the
Emirates’ Zayed University for joint research on environmental issues, have
been formed.
But with their shared desert topography and collective
climate crises, green partnerships like the Watergen agreement have become
among the most vibrant arenas for cooperation. Israel provides decades of
environmental research, technology and manufacturing, while the oil-rich gulf
nations deliver funding and access to new markets.
“This type of regional harmonization makes a lot of sense,”
Ms. Goodman said, “because the Middle East and gulf are far more suited to
tech-based — rather than nature-based — environmental solutions” to climate
change. “Embracing alternative technologies is far more ideal in this region
than, say, trying to plant new forests in deserts without water,” Ms. Goodman
added.
The accords are not without controversy, particularly involving
Sudan’s addition to the group. But shared problems — as well as the potential
for making enormous sums of money — are helping the nations overcome decades of
discord and demonstrating how cross-border cooperation could lead to meaningful
solutions, experts said.
“We are coming with technology, they are coming with
technology, we are coming with funding and they are coming with funding,” said
Amir Hayek, Israel’s first-ever ambassador to Abu Dhabi, about the nations’
environmental agreements. “Israel and the U.A.E. are cooperating on a fully
equal level.”
Michael Rutman, co-chief executive of Watergen, whose
atmospheric water generation systems are capable of converting vapor into
potable water, said cooperation makes sense. “Israel and the U.A.E. are two
countries with an intuitive understanding of what it means to live with a
shortage of fresh water,” he said.
In the Emirates, some 90 percent of the drinking water is
supplied through desalination, an expensive and energy-intensive process. Yet
while the Emirates — the third richest country in the world — may be able to
afford desalination, the nation is paying a high environmental cost because of
the fossil fuels consumed and the vast quantities of hypersaline water it
leaves behind.
“The salty, briny water is very, very hard on the
environment,” Mr. Rutman said.
In 2021, a trilateral energy-for-water agreement was signed
by Israel, Jordan and the United Arab Emirates. Under this plan — which was
achieved with help from the U.S. State Department — the Emirates-backed
renewable energy company Masdar will construct a sizable solar-power facility
in Jordan that will generate electricity and sell it to Israel.
At the same time, Israel will sell desalinated water to
Jordan, whose water-shortage crisis is compounded by climate change and
population growth. As in the Emirates,
desalination is energy intensive, but importing desalinated water from Israel
is far cheaper and less environmentally taxing for Jordan, a poorer nation that
lacks large-scale desalination facilities.
Although Jordan and Israel established diplomatic ties in
1994, the relationship — much like Israel’s with Egypt since the 1979 peace
accords — has deteriorated. The continued impasse over Palestinian statehood,
in particular — especially for Saudi Arabia and Jordan, Israel’s neighbor — has
impeded the complex cooperation necessary for multilateral deals like the
Israel-Jordan-Emirates plan, also known as Project Prosperity, experts said.
“But the new regional politics associated with the Abraham
Accords and the key role of the U.A.E. in this process have made it less
difficult for Jordan and Israel to execute initiatives” like Project
Prosperity, said Daniel Weiner, vice president for global affairs at the
University of Connecticut and founder of its Abrahamic Programs for Academic
Collaboration.
Ebtesam Al-Ketbi, president of the Emirates Policy Center, a
political think tank in Abu Dhabi, called initiatives like Project Prosperity
“one of several positive outcomes from the Abraham Accords.”
The accord between Israel and Morocco led to a large and
potentially significant deal, signed last November, between the Israeli
hydrogen production company H2Pro and Gaia Energy in Morocco, which focuses on
renewable energy projects across North Africa and Egypt.
Under the agreement, H2Pro plans to build a green hydrogen
production facility powered by Morocco’s abundant wind and sunlight. The
hydrogen will be exported to Europe for industrial use.
H2Pro will initially construct a modest sized test facility
in Morocco, but potential for growth lies in Europe’s untapped green hydrogen
market, which is expected to swell as global demand rises more than sevenfold
by 2050, according to a recent McKinsey & Company survey.
Rotem Arad, H2Pro’s director of business development, said
the company has plans to scale production “all the way up to the gigawatt
level, which is potentially worth hundreds of millions of dollars.”
For H2Pro and other Israeli companies, the accords may open
markets not just within the region but in Asia, India, China and beyond.
“If Israel was once known as the ‘start-up nation,’” said
Mr. Rutman from Watergen, “the next decade of gulf partnerships will see us
become the ‘scale up’ nation.”
Experts said the projects also have the potential to ease
some of the worst effects of climate change.
“Of course it depends on the specific project, but these
arrangements and agreements can have a positive impact on meeting the
challenges of the climate crisis, but only if the governments involved make
regional climate resilience and security a clear priority,” said Gidon
Bromberg, Israeli director of EcoPeace Middle East, which helped develop
Project Prosperity.
H2Pro’s Moroccan deal was signed last year in the Egyptian
resort town of Sharm el Sheikh, which played host to COP27, the annual global
climate summit. The conference — the first since both the pandemic and the
Abraham Accords — marked a coming-out of sorts for Israel’s green-tech sector.
“For the first time ever, Israel showcased a full-scale
pavilion at COP and we are already working on plans for COP28 next year in
Dubai,” said David Saranga, head of digital at the Israeli Ministry of Foreign
Affairs, who attended the conference and whose digital diplomacy heavily
focuses on sustainability issues. Mr. Arad of H2Pro said, “because of the
Accords, we no longer had to operate behind the curtain or under the radar at
COP” when negotiating deals with former Arab rivals.
Despite the accords’ initial successes, it will be difficult
to maintain the current relationships and expand to additional nations without
the participation of the Palestinian Authority, experts said.
“First and foremost, we must see cooperation between Israel,
Jordan and the Palestinians,” said Mr. Bromberg. “Their presence is critical in
ensuring that projects like the Project Prosperity move forward.”
The arrival of Israel’s new hard-line government also makes
it more difficult for the Jewish state to formalize relations with additional
Arab nations, particularly with the regional leader, Saudi Arabia.
While some nations may be tempted by the potential economic
benefits, that may not be enough to entice holdout nations to put their
hostilities aside, experts said. “A fair peace between the Palestinians and
Israelis will increase the likelihood of expanding the scope of the Abraham
Accords,” said Dr. Al-Ketbi.