In Iraq, religious ‘pleasure marriages’ are a front for child prostitution
I’m walking through the security cordon that
leads into Kadhimiyah, one of Shia Islam’s holiest sites. I’m in a queue, along
with dozens of pilgrims who have come from all over the world to pay their
respects to the shrine of Imam Kadhim. At the gate, a female security guard
pats me down and looks into my handbag, a reminder that the story I’m reporting
on here isn’t going to be easy.
As I walk around the market stalls surrounding
the shrine, I notice the many “marriage offices” dotted around the mosque,
which are licensed to perform Sharia marriages. I’d received tips that some
clerics here were performing short-term mutaa [pleasure] marriages, a practice
– illegal under Iraqi law – whereby a men can pay for a temporary wife, with
the officiating cleric receiving a cut.
I was told that behind closed doors many of
these clerics were using and abusing Sharia marriage laws to exploit women for
profit. These men were grooming vulnerable girls and young women, trapping them
into prostitution and pimping them out, all with seemingly total impunity.
For such a story, we needed to secure evidence
on camera. We recruited a male undercover reporter who, over the course of our
year-long investigation, met and secretly filmed several of the clerics running
the Sharia marriage offices in the vicinity of the shrines. Meanwhile, I met
and interviewed the clerics’ female victims, as well as some of the male
clients who routinely used pleasure marriages.
First, our undercover reporter approached a
number of clerics with marriage offices near the shrine of Kadamiya in Baghdad
to gauge how many were willing to perform mutaa ceremonies. Out of 10 clerics
that were approached, eight agreed to arrange a pleasure marriage for our
reporter. “You can marry a girl for half an hour and as soon as it’s over, you
can marry another,” one of the clerics, Sayyed Raad, told our reporter on
camera, “even after half an hour, you can marry another,” he repeats.
We also caught on camera evidence supporting
some of the victims’ claims that clerics often conspired with their male
clients to deceive women. In a Kadamiya marriage office, our reporter, posing
as a visiting businessman, was advised by the cleric to use deception when
planning a pleasure marriage: “Take my advice, don’t tell her where my offices
are in Kadamiya, so afterwards she can’t come looking for her rights. Trust me,
it’s better that way.”
We found that teenage girls were particularly
vulnerable to predatory men assisted by clerics, often paying the heaviest of
prices for their misfortune. In Iraq, for a young girl to lose her virginity
outside of marriage is widely seen as a scandal bringing shame on her family
and tainting its honour. Such girls are often disowned and shunned by their
families. In some cases, the girls are murdered.
In Kadamiya, Sayyed Raad offered to officiate
a pleasure marriage between our reporter and “a young virgin”. He advised him
not to take her virginity during their time together, adding that “anal sex is
permitted”. “If I do take her virginity, God forbid, what do I do?” our
reporter enquired. “Do [her family] know where you live?” Sayyed Raad asked.
“No, they don’t,” our reporter confirmed. “Then you can just leave,” the cleric
declared.
Watching the secret footage was difficult,
especially as I was interviewing many young women who were living with the
consequences of the clerics’ actions. One of them, Mona, was just 14 when an
older man started following her home from school. “He told me he was rich, that
he loved my personality, that I was beautiful.” A few weeks later, the man
introduced her to a cleric and pressed her to enter into a pleasure marriage.
“I informed [the cleric] I was a virgin,” Mona
told me, but the cleric didn’t ask for her parents’ consent, as is the custom
in Iraq, saying it wasn’t needed as both she and the man were adults. Now 17,
she is under pressure from her family to marry; but is terrified her future
husband will find out she’s no longer a virgin. Her uncle, she tells me, killed
her cousin merely for having a boyfriend. Now she keeps thinking about suicide.
“I have no way out. If I feel more pressure, I will do it.”
The investigation took me to Karbala, Shia
Islam’s holiest site. An important part of our investigation was to establish
the role of the holy city’s religious authorities in all this – particularly
whether they condoned the practice of pleasure marriages. At the main marriage
office, I spoke to Sheikh Emad Alassady, who insisted the practice was illegal.
But around the corner from the office, we
found another cleric who was willing to officiate a pleasure marriage to a
child, including giving explicit instructions on how to sexually abuse children
without getting caught.
This cleric was clearly not the only one
taking part in such abuses. Another of the women I spoke to, “Reem”, accused
prominent clerics of being involved in pimping and pleasure marriages. After
Reem’s husband was killed by an Isis bomb in 2016, she and her two children
became homeless.
Reem said that when she approached a
well-known cleric for alms, he had sex with her and pimped her out to his
friends. Reem doesn’t name the cleric, but describes him as powerful and
well-known in her community.
“He proposed a pleasure marriage with me. I
had to do it to survive,” she said. They would have sex once or twice a week in
his office. Then he began bringing his friends, including one who, Reem says,
was “famous in the region. He forced me to go into a room with this friend.”
Reem then found out the cleric was charging
his associates three or four hundred dollars to have sex with her, while she
was paid just pocket money. “They were like animals,” she told me. “They have
sex with a woman then throw her away.”
But how are clerics able to get away with
breaking the law so blatantly? The strength of the Shia religious
establishment, backed by the intimidatory weight of armed Shia militias,
appears to have given Shia clerics a sense of total impunity. Our investigation
has found many of the clerics enjoy powerful political connections. One of
them, Karbala-based Sayyed Salawi, boasted to our reporter that he was attached
to a Shia militia, a claim which is given credence by photographic evidence we
found on social media.
The BBC later approached the clerics for their
response. Sayyed Raad denied he performed mutaa marriages. The others did not
respond. Sayyed Raad had said he was a follower of Grand Ayatollah Ali Sistani,
Iraq’s most influential Shia cleric.
The BBC approached Ayatollah Sistani’s office
in the holy city of Najaf with the reporter’s evidence, and asked him to
clarify his stance on mutaa marriages.
“If these practices are happening in the way
you are saying then we condemn them unreservedly,” his office said. “Temporary
marriage is not allowed as a tool to sell sex in a way that belittles the
dignity and humanity of women.
“A guardian of a girl should not permit her
marriage without her consent… and she is not supposed to marry if it’s against
the law, which could bring troubles to her.”
Like some other Shia leaders in Iraq, the
89-year-old Ayatollah Sistani has previously – in a book published 25 years ago
titled The Path of the Righteous – written that if a child under nine were
promised in marriage or temporary marriage, sexual touching was religiously
permitted.
The ayatollah’s office told the BBC times had
changed and it had been erased from his current books.
This investigation showed how the hardships of
post-conflict Iraq, and the rise of the Shia religious conservative
establishment, have turned the clock back on women’s rights. Secular laws
designed to protect women and children have been part of the Iraqi legal system
for decades, but they have been rendered meaningless in the face of continuous
flouting by powerful men backed by the country’s religious and political
establishment. Meanwhile, a whole generation of young girls and women are
paying a devastating price. As Reem put it, describing the clerics who abused
her, “They eat the flesh, then throw away the bones.”