Migrants endure rape, torture on route through Yemen
Zahra struggled in the blue waters of the Gulf of
Aden, grasping for the hands of fellow migrants. Hundreds of men, women and
teenagers clambered out of a boat and through the surf, emerging, exhausted, on
the shores of Yemen.
The 20-year-old Ethiopian saw men armed with
automatic rifles waiting for them on the beach and she clenched in terror. She
had heard migrants’ stories of brutal traffickers, lurking like monsters in a
nightmare. They are known by the Arabic nickname Abdul-Qawi.
“What will they do to us?” Zahra thought.
She and 300 other Africans had just endured six
hours crammed in a wooden smuggling boat to cross the narrow strait between the
Red Sea and the Gulf. When they landed, the traffickers loaded them into trucks
and drove them to ramshackle compounds in the desert outside the coastal
village of Ras Al-Ara.
There was Zahra’s answer. She was imprisoned for a
month in a tin-roofed hut, broiling and hungry, ordered to call home each day
to beseech her family to wire $2,000. She said she did not have family to ask for
money and pleaded for her freedom.
Instead, her captors raped her. And they raped the
20 other women with her — for weeks, different men all the time.
“They used each of the girls,” she told The
Associated Press. “Every night there was rape.”
With its systematic torture, Ras Al-Ara is a
particular hell on the arduous, 1,400 km journey from the Horn of Africa to
Middle Eastern countries. Migrants leave home on sandaled feet with dreams of
escaping poverty. They trek through mountains and deserts, sandstorms and
113-degree temperatures, surviving on crumbs
of bread and salty water from ancient wells.
In Djibouti, long lines of migrants descend single
file down mountain slopes to the rocky coastal plain, where many lay eyes on
the sea for first time and eventually board the boats. Some remain stranded in
Yemen’s nightmare — in some measure because Europe has been shutting its doors,
outsourcing migrants to other countries.
The EU began paying Libyan coast guards and militias
to stop migrants there, blocking the other main route out of East Africa,
through Libya and across the Mediterranean to Europe.
The number of Mediterranean crossings plummeted —
from 370,000 in 2016 to just over 56,000 so far this year.
Meanwhile, more than 150,000 migrants landed in Yemen
in 2018, a 50 percent increase from the year before, according to the
International Organization for Migration.
This year, more than 107,000 had arrived by the end
of September, along with perhaps tens of thousands more the organization was
unable to track — or who were buried in graves along the trail.
And European policies may be making the Yemen route
more dangerous. Funded by the EU, Ethiopia has cracked down on migrant
smugglers and intensified border controls. Arrests of known brokers have
prompted migrants to turn to unreliable traffickers, taking more dangerous
paths and increasing the risk of abuses.
Many of those migrants end up in Ras Al-Ara.
Nearly every migrant who lands here is imprisoned in
hidden compounds while their families are shaken down for money. Like Zahra,
they are subjected to daily torments ranging from beatings and rapes to
starvation, their screams drowned out by the noise of generators or cars or
simply lost in the desert.
“Out of every thousand, 800 disappear in the
lockups,” said a humanitarian worker monitoring the flow of migrants.
Traffickers who torture are a mix of Yemenis and
Ethiopians of different ethnic groups. So victims cannot appeal to tribal
loyalties, they are tortured by men from other groups: If the migrants are
Oromia, the torturers are Tigrinya.
At the same time, because the three main ethnic
groups don’t speak each others’ languages, Yemeni smugglers need translators to
convey orders to the migrants and monitor their phone conversations with their
families.
The AP spoke to more than two dozen Ethiopians who
survived torture at Ras Al-Ara. Nearly all of them reported witnessing deaths,
and one man died of starvation hours after the AP saw him.
The imprisonment and torture are largely ignored by
Yemeni authorities. The AP saw trucks full of migrants passing unhindered
through military checkpoints as they went from the beaches to drop their human
cargo at each desert compound, known in Arabic as a “hosh.”
“The traffickers move freely, in public, giving
bribes at the checkpoints,” said Mohammed Said, a former coast guard officer
who now runs a gas station in the center of town.
From Ras Al-Ara, it’s nearly 50 miles in any
direction to the next town. Around 8,000 families live in a collection of
decaying, one-story stone houses beside dirt roads, a lone hotel and two
eateries. The fish market is the center of activity when the daily catch is
brought in.
Nearly the entire population profits from the human
trade. Some rent land to traffickers for the holding cells, or work as guards,
drivers or translators. For others, traffickers flush with cash are a lucrative
market for their food, fuel or the mildly stimulant leaves of qat, which
Yemenis and Ethiopians chew daily.
Locals can rattle off the traffickers’ names. One of
them, a Yemeni named Mohammed Al-Usili, runs more than 20 hosh. He’s famous for
the red Nissan SUV he drives through town.
Others belong to Sabaha, one of the biggest tribes
in southern Yemen, some of whom are famous for their involvement in illicit
businesses. Yemenis call the Sabaha “bandits” who have no political loyalties
to any of the warring parties..
Many traffickers speak openly of their activities,
but deny they torture, blaming others.
Yemeni smuggler Ali Hawash was a farmer who went
into the human smuggling business a year ago. He disparaged smugglers who prey
on poor migrants, torturing them and holding them hostage until relatives pay
ransom.
The flow of migrants to the beach is unending. On a
single day, July 24, the AP witnessed seven boats pull into Ras Al-Ara, one
after the other, starting at 3 a.m., each carrying more than 100 people.
The migrants climbed out of the boats into the
turquoise water. One young man collapsed on the beach, his feet swollen. A
woman stepped on something sharp in the water and fell screeching in pain.
Others washed their clothes in the waves to get out the vomit, urine and feces
from the rugged journey.
The migrants were lined up and loaded onto trucks.
They gripped the iron bars in the truck bed as they were driven along the
highway. At each compound, the truck unloaded a group of migrants, like a
school bus dropping off students. The migrants disappeared inside..
From time to time, Ethiopians escape their
imprisonment or are released and stagger out of the desert into town. Eman
Idrees, 27, and her husband were held for eight months by an Ethiopian
smuggler. She recalled the savage beatings they endured, which left a scar on
her shoulder.
Said, the gas station owner, is horrified by the
evidence of torture he has seen, so he has made his station and a nearby mosque
into a refuge for migrants. But locals say Said, too, profits from the
trafficking, selling fuel for the smugglers’ boats and trucks. But that means
the traffickers need him and leave him alone.
On a day when the AP team was visiting, several
young men just out of a compound arrived at the gas station. They showed deep
gashes in their arms from ropes that had bound them. One who had bruises from
being lashed with a cable said the women imprisoned with him were all raped and
that three men had died.
Another, Ibrahim Hassan, trembled as he showed how
he was tied up in a ball, arms behind his back, knees bound against his chest.
The 24-year-old said he was bound like that for 11 days and frequently beaten.
His torturer, he said, was a fellow Ethiopian but from a rival ethnic group,
Tigray, while he is Oromo.
Hassan said he was freed after his father went door
to door in their hometown to borrow money and gather the $2,600 that the
smugglers demanded.
“My family is extremely poor,” Hassan said, breaking
down in tears. “My father is a farmer and I have five siblings.”
Starvation is another punishment used by the
traffickers to wear down their victims.
At Ras Al-Ara hospital, four men who looked like
living skeletons sat on the floor, picking rice from a bowl with their thin
fingers. Their bones protruded from their backs, their rib cages stood out
sharply. With no fat on their bodies, they sat on rolled-up cloth because it
was too painful to sit directly on bone. They had been imprisoned by
traffickers for months, fed once a day with scraps of bread and a sip of water,
they said.
One of them, 23-year-old Abdu Yassin, said he had
agreed with smugglers in Ethiopia to pay around $600 for the trip through Yemen
to the Saudi border. But when he landed at Ras Al-Ara, he was brought to a
compound with 71 others, and the traffickers demanded $1,600.
HIGHLIGHT
The EU began paying Libyan coast guards and militias
to stop migrants there, blocking the other main route out of East Africa,
through Libya and across the Mediterranean to Europe.
He cried as he described how he was held for five
months and beaten constantly in different positions. He showed the marks from
lashings on his back, the scars on his legs where they pressed hot steel into
his skin. His finger was crooked after they smashed it with a rock, he said.
One day, they tied his legs and dangled him upside down, “like a slaughtered
sheep.” But the worst was starvation.
“From hunger, my knees can’t carry my body,” he
said. “I haven’t changed my clothes for six months. I haven’t washed. I have
nothing.”
Near the four men, another emaciated man lay on a
gurney, his stomach concave, his eyes open but unseeing. Nurses gave him fluids
but he died several hours later.
The torment that leaves the young men and women
physically and mentally shattered also leaves them stranded.
Zahra said she traveled to Yemen “because I wanted
to change my life.”
She came from a broken home. She was a child when
her parents divorced. Her mother disappeared, and her father — an engineer —
remarried and wanted little to do with Zahra or her sisters. Zahra dropped out
of school after the third grade. She worked for years in Djibouti as a servant,
sending most of her earnings to her youngest sister back in Ethiopia.
Unable to save any money, she decided to try her
luck elsewhere.
She spoke in a quiet voice as she described the
torments she suffered at the compound. “I couldn’t sleep at all throughout
these days,” as she suffered from headaches, she said.
She and the other women were locked in three rooms
of the hut, sleeping on the dirt floor, suffocating in the summer heat. They
were constantly famished. Zahra suffered from rashes, diarrhea and vomiting.
One group tried to flee when they were allowed to
wash at a well outside. The traffickers used dogs to hunt them down, brought
them back and beat them.
“You can’t imagine,” Zahra said. “We could hear the
screams.” After that, they could only wash at gunpoint.
Finally, early one morning, their captors opened the
gates and told Zahra and some of the other women to leave. Apparently, the
traffickers gave up on getting money out of them and wanted to make room for
others.
Now Zahra lives in Basateen, a slum on the outskirts
of southern Yemen’s main city, Aden, where she shares a room with three other
women who also were tortured.
Among them is a 17-year-old who fidgets with her
hands and avoiding eye contact. She said she had been raped more times than she
can count.
The first time was during the boat crossing from
Djibouti, where she was packed in with more than 150 other migrants. Fearing
the smugglers, no one dared raise a word of protest as the captain and his crew
raped her and the other nine women on board during the eight-hour journey.
“I am speechless about what happened in the boat,”
the 17-year-old said.
Upon landing, she and the others were taken to a
compound, where again she was raped — every day for the next two weeks.
“We lived 15 days in pain,” she said.
Zahra said she’s worried she could be pregnant, and
the 17-year old said she has pains in her abdomen and back she believes were
caused by the rapes — but neither has money to go to a doctor. Nor do they have
money to continue their travels.
“I have nothing but the clothes on me,” the 17-year
old said. She lost everything, including her only photos of her family. Now,
she is too afraid to even leave her room in Basateen.
“If we get out of here,” she said, “we don’t know
what would happen to us.”
Basateen is filled with migrants living in squalid
shacks. Some work, trying to earn enough to continue their journey. Others,
like Abdul-Rahman Taha, languish without hope.
The son of a dirt-poor farmer, Taha had heard
stories of Ethiopians returning from Saudi Arabia with enough money to buy a
car or build a house. So he sneaked away from home and began walking. When he
reached Djibouti, he called home asking for $400 for smugglers to arrange his
trip across Yemen. His father was angry but sold a bull and some goats and sent
the money.
When Taha landed at Ras Al-Ara, traffickers took him
and 50 other migrants to a holding cell, lined them up and demanded phone
numbers. Taha couldn’t ask his father for more money so he told them he didn’t
have a number. Over the next days and weeks, he was beaten and left without
food and water.
One night, he gave them a wrong number. The
traffickers flew into a rage. One, a beefy, bearded Yemeni, beat Taha’s right
leg to a bloody pulp with a steel rod. Taha passed out.
When he opened his eyes, he saw the sky. He was
outdoors, lying on the ground. The traffickers had dumped him and three other
migrants in the desert. Taha tried to jostle the others, but they didn’t move —
they were dead.
A passing driver took him to a hospital. There, his
leg was amputated. Now 17, Taha is stranded. His father died in a car crash a
few months ago, leaving Taha’s sister and four younger brothers to fend for
themselves back home. Taha choked back tears. In one of their phone calls, he
remembered, his father had asked him: “Why did you leave?”
“Without work or money,” Taha told him, “life is
unbearable.” And so it is still.