Trump reaches for Nixon playbook after protests that have rocked America
They were 48 minutes of mayhem that shook the
republic. With a bizarre pageant of riots shields, a Bible and a designer
handbag, they also represented what could be Donald Trump’s last best chance of
clinging to power.
Before sunset last Monday, the US president stood in
the White House Rose Garden, threatened to turn the American military on the
American people and declared: “I am your president of law and order.”
Beyond the perimeter fence, park police and national
guard troops fired teargas and chased away peaceful protesters so Trump could
cross the road to the fire-damaged St John’s church. Trump was joined by
officials including his daughter and senior adviser, Ivanka, clutching a $1,540
handbag. The self-anointed strongman posed for the cameras while awkwardly
holding aloft a Bible – or was it the Richard Nixon playbook?
This was the moment that Trump finally found a
re-election campaign strategy in his comfort zone. Like his idol Nixon during
the turmoil of 1968, he promised to put out the fires in American cities and
assuage the fears of white suburbs. It is a framing that portrays Democrats as
soft on crime while selling Trump as the national security president – less
“Keep America Great” than “Keep America Safe”.
“The Radical Left Democrats new theme is ‘Defund the
Police’,” the president tweeted. “Remember that when you don’t want Crime,
especially against you and your family. This is where Sleepy Joe is being
dragged by the socialists. I am the complete opposite, more money for Law
Enforcement! #LAWANDORDER”.
In a year of extraordinary tumult, Trump has found
the electoral battleground constantly shifting beneath his feet. Just a few
months ago, he was painting the Democrats as radical socialists in thrall to
Senator Bernie Sanders, but the party’s nomination was secured by the moderate
Joe Biden. He was also trumpeting the strength of the economy, but that
narrative was shredded by the coronavirus pandemic – although there was some
encouraging news at the end of last week to suggest that US jobs were returning
after the lockdown was lifted in many states.
Trump pivoted to blaming China for the virus but
polls suggested this gained little traction as voters scrutinised the
president’s own sluggish response. But then came the tragedy of George Floyd,
an African American man killed when a white Minneapolis police officer pressed
his neck with his knee. The subsequent social unrest, the most widespread in
half a century, may now have thrown Trump a political lifeline.
The great majority of the protests, including that
outside the White House on Monday, have been peaceful, highlighting the
injustices of 400 years of slavery and segregation. Some have been met with
vicious state-sanctioned force. However, incidents of violence, including
ransacking stores and burning police cars, received outsized TV coverage and
handed Trump a cultural wedge issue to exploit.
Mandy Jenkins, a journalist, tweeted on Thursday:
“My friends and family in rural Ohio honestly believe large swaths of America’s
cities are being destroyed by lawless bands of looters who are the same people
that are protesting. They get their news exclusively from TV. I don’t think
those things are unrelated.”
Like an autocrat in a teetering regime, Trump has
staged a massive show of force in the humid capital, with Gen Mark Milley, the
chairman of the joint chiefs of staff, strutting the streets in combat fatigues
while military helicopters roared overhead. The White House was fenced off,
unidentified law enforcement patrolled and troops stood guard at the Lincoln
Memorial, a shrine to democracy.
On Wednesday, a Republican party press release was
headlined, “President Calls For Law & Order, As Democrats Turn Blind Eye To
Violence,” while a Team Trump 2020 fundraising email read criticized members of
Biden’s campaign for donating to a fund that helps arrested protesters pay bail
in Minnesota.
Never likely to be accused of subtlety, the
president himself repeatedly tweeted what may now be his three-word re-election
manifesto: “LAW & ORDER!”
The theme is calculated to enflame divisions rather
than make new friends. This week James Mattis, the former defense secretary,
broke a long silence to describe Trump as a threat to the constitution and the
first president in his lifetime who does not try to unite the American people.
But there are doubts over whether such a pitch can
work in a country facing its biggest public health crisis since 1918, biggest
economic crisis since 1933 and biggest race relations crisis since 1968.
Michael Steele, former chairman of the Republican
National Committee, said: “It’s not the smartest strategy in the world, given
not just the complexity but the volatility of the nation’s grappling with race
and the death of this young man and the response by the police and now the
response by the administration.
“So I think that cooler heads will ultimately try to
prevail. I doubt they will be successful, at least completely, with Trump
because he sees the law-and-order angle as his gate key to open up a new line
of conversation. For example, we’re not talking about Covid-19 and the failure
of the administration to grapple with the enormity of that crisis.”
Some around Trump compare the moment to 1968, when
Nixon ran as the law-and-order candidate after a summer of riots and won the
White House. Unlike Nixon, Trump is an incumbent, but seeking to shift blame
for the violence to Democratic state governors and city mayors in places such
as Minneapolis, New York and Washington.
Nixon vowed to represent the “silent majority”, a
phrase Trump tweeted during the past week.
After the Watergate scandal, Nixon became the only
US president in history to resign, yet it is his ghost with whom Trump is most
likely to commune at dead of night. The 45th president told Fox & Friends
on Fox News last month: “I learned a lot from Richard Nixon.”
John Farrell, author of Richard Nixon: The Life,
said of Trump: “The best single analogy of Trump’s behavior and Nixon’s comes
from May 1971 when the justice department had a massive amount of protesters
rounded up and deprived of their civil rights, huddled in stadiums, because
Nixon had made the calculation that this would make him look strong to the
country. If you are a liberal and you’re worried about this working against
Biden, then 71 and 72 are the years that give you nightmares.”
Nixon and Trump came from very different starting
points, however. Jamelle Bouie, an opinion columnist at the New York Times,
wrote this week: “As former vice-president to Dwight Eisenhower – who led the
nation at a time when the white American majority felt culturally and
economically secure – Nixon could credibly claim to represent stability in the
face of chaos, a steady hand in an uncertain time.
“Trump can do
no such thing. He built his entire political persona around discord and
disruption. Having promised to throw the system into disarray, Trump could not
then sell himself as an avatar of order and control. He can sell himself as an
avatar of violence … but there’s no evidence that most Americans want that kind
of ‘leadership’.”
Recent polls show Biden leading Trump nationally and
in swing states, and eating into his advantages among older voters. The
president’s law-and-order stance would seem calculated to win them back while
setting a political trap for Biden, who must strike a delicate balance between
validating anger over police brutality towards African American while
condemning violence as a response.
John Zogby, a pollster and author, said: “Trump has
seen some serious slippage among white voters over 65. That was a bedrock of
his base, so this could be a way: these are people that are far removed from
the violence in the streets and fairly one-dimensional in their view of both
protesting and violence in the streets, and the most conservative on matters of
race.
“Now, will it work? It’s risky and it’s hard to see
it working but then he has defied so many rules of engagement. It’s really
incumbent now on Joe Biden and the Democrats to win.”




