The Goals of the Muslim Brotherhood
As seen, with an inevitable degree of
simplification, the goal of the Brotherhood can be described as the
establishment of an Islamic state through ‘Islamisation from below’, a slow process
that would culminate in the creation of a purely Islamic system of government
as the natural consequence of the Islamisation of the majority of the
population. Yet, as soon as it established a presence in the West, a pragmatic
movement like the Brotherhood immediately understood that the goal of turning
Western countries into Islamic states is little more than a lofty ambition.
So what are the goals of the Brotherhood in the UK
and, more broadly, the West? It seems apparent that the goals of the first
layer, the pure Brothers, are very much related to its members’ countries of
origin. For example, the Egyptian Brotherhood members who are currently in London
are very much focused on supporting the Brotherhood’s cause in Egypt and see
the UK as a convenient safe haven and base of operation from where to mount
their political, diplomatic, media and legal battle.
The aims of the second layer, the long-time
British-based Brothers, and the third, the Brotherhood-influenced milieus, are
arguably different and can be summed up as follows:
• To spread their religious and political views to
British Muslim communities. Western countries are seen by the Brothers as a
sort of Islamic tabula rasa, a virgin territory where the socio-religious
structures and limits of the Muslim world do not exist and where the Brothers
can implement their dawa freely, overcoming their competition with their superior
mobilisation skills and funds.
• To become official or de facto representatives of
British Muslim communities in the eyes of the government and the media. Such a
position would allow them to exert a degree of influence significantly higher
than what a politically savvy yet extremely small movement could otherwise
obtain.
• To support domestic and international Islamist
causes. The Brothers aim at using their positions of influence to advocate for
various Islamist causes both with local Muslim communities and British
policy-makers and public. It is not uncommon for the Brothers to do so by
formulating their positions through substantially different frames with their
It is noteworthy that some of the new leaders of
MAB, like its British-raised current president Omar el Hamdoun, fully
understand these dynamics. Omar el Hamdoun (London), interview with author, May
2014. 33 It should nonetheless be noted that occasionally the ambition of
turning the West into Islamic states through dawa is raised by various
Brotherhood leaders. In 2004, for example, Egyptian Brotherhood murshid Mohammed
Akef declared his “complete faith that Islam will invade Europe and America,
because Islam has logic and a mission.” He added, “Europeans and the Americans
will come into the bosom of Islam out of conviction.” Al Qaradawi has repeatedly
expressed the same view. In a 1995 speech at an Islamic conference in Toledo,
Ohio, he stated: “We will conquer Europe, we will conquer America, not through
the sword but through dawa.”
As said, the first two layers of what has been
termed as Brotherhood comprise only a few hundred activists and a relatively
larger number of sympathisers. They directly control only a dozen or so mosques
throughout the UK. Yet, thanks to a combination of ideological flexibility, unrelenting
activism, large funding and poor organisation of competing trends, the
Brotherhood networks have in the past shown an enormous ability to monopolise
the Islamic discourse.
The Brotherhood has made its interpretation of Islam
the most readily available, and put its ideological stamp on most Islam-related
issues, be they strictly religious or more properly political. Some of its concepts
and frames have become adopted, almost subconsciously, by a large number of
British Muslims who have no affiliation or contact with the Brotherhood.
Moreover, even the organisational decline should not
be seen as permanent, as history has shown the Brotherhood’s ability to resurge
from times of crisis. The movement still possesses a relatively sophisticated
structure inside the country, including a financial infrastructure (charities, businesses)
the exact extent of which is difficult to determine. Moreover, the group also
has a cunning ability to compensate for its small numbers by working through a
sophisticated web of proxies and transversal alliances.




